war

Constructing Easternness and settling new frontiers in Europe: again about the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 27-44
No. of Pages: 18
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The article aims at challenging the opinions overemphasizing the role of Yalta in constructing “Eastern Europe” in the way the public knew it after 1945/1948. This paper traces the roots of this mental and political construction back to 1939 and to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact concluded on August 23rd. This paper is also searching for an answer to some questions regarding the constraints and opportunities facing the minor powers in a world dominated by great powers (be they clashing or cooperating with each other).
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Peter Calvocoressi, Europa de la Bismarck la Gorbaciov (Polirom : Iasi, 2006), 232 pp.


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 147-149
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: Peter Calvocoressi was a lecturer at Sussex University. He wrote „World Politics since 1945”, which is now at its 8th edition. He is considered one the most important contemporary historians. Polirom Publishing House published also some of his other works: “Break the lines. The Second World War and the post war Europe” (2000) and “Europe from Bismarck to Gorbachev”. Calvocoressi’s work is one of those extensive studies which evaluate the history of modern and contemporary Europe, from the last two centuries, tracking the line of the events that influenced the destiny of the continent. The main direction is given by the open or hidden conflicts between the great powers, from the two World Wars up to the Cold War. The book is structured on three sections.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Relazioni romeno-italiani durante la guerra italo-etiopica: tra amicizia e sanzioni. Storia e storiografia


Language: Italian
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 54-65
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article analysis the attitude of Romania during the years 1935-1936 when Italy prepared and then unleashed the war against Ethiopia and the effects of this attitude upon the bilateral relations between Romania and Italy. It also discloses the position of the League of Nations during and after the war between Italy and Ethiopia. It demonstrates the failure of the policy of peace and collective security promoted by status quo states of the League of Nations, including Romania.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Cooperation and Conflict: The Romanian-Russian Relations during the Oriental Crisis (1875-1878)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 79-113
No. of Pages: 35
Keywords: , , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As a new Russian-Turkish war broke out in 1877, the Romanian political objective of winning the state independence, following a realistic evaluation of the general European conditions, was to be redirected towards a close cooperation with Russia. The Romanian disposition to follow this road, in spite of old anti- Russian feelings, was a significant and a radical political option. Embarking such a relation with Russia, the Romanian politicians experienced both the success of achieving independence and the bitter disappointment of losing a part of the Romania’s national territory, but, on the whole, the result of the war was a major success, given circumstances which could not be mastered in their unpredictable change.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Romania’s policy towards the Kellogg-Briand Pact


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 89-96
No. of Pages: 8
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article aims to present the steps that European diplomacy has undertaken towards signing the Kellogg-Briand Pact and the position of Romania to the signing of the Pact. It emphasizes the role played by Romania, through its diplomats, in designing the Pact that made war of aggression illegal. The Kellogg-Briand Pact sprang from the desire of building a collective security system, but worldwide, marking a critical moment in drive towards peaceful diplomacy. The article emphasizes that the nations which took the initiative of signing the treaty of renunciation of war for the regulation of disputes between states were not as interested in its principles as the small and medium states, Romania included. It also shows that at the origin of the Pact of Paris stood divergent interests, each of the signatory state following their own purposes. Romania’s representative to Geneva and then foreign minister, Nicolae Titulescu, defined quite clearly Romania’s interest in signing this pact, understanding both its advantages and limitations. Being one of the states that had acceded to this Pact from the desire to ensure security and maintain world peace, Romania has reserved, however, the right of self-defense of national territory in case of unprovoked aggression. The article concludes that the lack of requirements to defend the peace against aggression made that the pact remain only a declaratory document.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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War, diplomacy and propaganda: an introduction


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-8
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This aim behind this issue of VJHS was to improve our knowledge of the multidimensional relations which have existed between war, diplomacy and propaganda during the 19th to the 21st centuries, i.e. the patterns of change, the depth and breadth of means and aims. The fact that a new look into this topic was necessary is proven by the multifarious approaches of the contributors in terms of methodology, sources and topics. We hope that these goals have been at least partly achieved and that by the articles integrated in our pages will meet some of the expectations of the interested readership.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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Guerre, diplomatie et propagande. La France et la Roumanie pendant la Crise Orientale (1875-1878)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 217-245
No. of Pages: 29
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The French eastern politics were rather inactive after 1871. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches and of suspicions, as Paris was not anylonger longer pursuing any future goals. Its own internal problems as well as the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany from the outside, as far as Eastern Europe was concerned until 1878, encouraged France rather to abandon this area, and implicitly its previous interests concerning Romania. Now France threatened Romania on numerous occasions, the French conception being obviously more insistent concerning the diplomatic tutorship of the Romanians. During the Empire’s last years, as well as during the first years of the Third Republic, the French diplomacy no longer accepted the Romanian perspective and will for independence. We consider that the reason for this static attitude of the French diplomacy was not its incapacity to understand, but rather a permanent diminishing of the reasons for action and for offensive in the Danube area and the obsession of France, after 1871, to concentrate on certain defensive objectives of its own, especially as the Third Republic no longer acted in the context of large coalitions like those that had triggered the success of the years of 1853-1856 in the Oriental problem. During the oriental crisis of 1875-1878, France’s reserve concerning the problems of the South-East of Europe was clear, and, concerning Romania’s independence, Paris always insisted on an exhortation to prudence and moderation. The acknowledgement of Romania’s independence and the end of the European protectorate finally found the French-Romanian relations at their most critical point. However, in 1880, France, even though with a certain delay, acknowledged Romania’s independence, establishing official relations with it, by opening the French legation in Bucharest.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Germany, Romania and the July Crisis (1914)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 263-278
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Of all the European powers involved in the conduct of the Great War, Germany suffered the most as a result of the responsibilities it had. In Berlin, the crisis in July 1914 revealed the behaviour of a small group of decision-takers in government. The Germany of Kaiser Wilhelm had no overview of the development of the war, no military and civilian strategy. No state council validated rationally the critical situation for which, later, the nation was held responsible. The political elite, mainly of aristocratic origin, was indecisive. They were beset by doubts, confusion and petty quarrels. Discussions in late July and early August limited the short-term management of the political crisis. The way this crisis would affect the nation’s future was not discussed. Berlin resembled a house without an owner. Balkan politics replaced its aspirations for world domination. Unlike Germany, Romania did not react to the crisis in July with the arguments of a great power. In Romania, the Crown Council, convened in Sinaia on July 21, 1914, decided everything. In modern Romania, few foreign policy debates have played a role as important. At the end of the debate, King Carol I, as a constitutional monarch, had to accept neutrality. He considered that Romania would regret this decision in the future. After July 21, Romania’s policy towards Germany changed significantly. After the adoption of neutrality, Romania was de facto outside any contractual obligations. The real heart of the negotiations moved towards the attractions of co-belligerence. For the first time in their recent history, mistrust, lack of hope for the future and instability now characterized Romanian-German relations.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Richard J. Evans, The Third Reich at War. How the Nazis led Germany from conquest to disaster


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 293-294
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The least that can be said about this volume is that it is thoroughly documented and comprehensive. In fact, in my opinion, this is the most valuable and time enduring synthesis of WWII German history and an outstanding literary achievement recalling in many of its pages the biting prose of Curzio Malaparte.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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Sheila Miyoshi Jager, Rana Mitter, Ruptured histories: war, memory, and the post-Cold War in Asia (Harvard University Press, 2007)


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 183-187
No. of Pages: 5
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The volume edited by Jager and Mitter is one of the most fascinating books one may have the chance to find in book stores these days, especially due to the topic approached, topic that concerns both an academic area of Cold War studies usually less investigated and also a geographical area of the world not usually associated with Cold War thinking. This most interesting collection of essays focuses on the social implications of the Cold War and gathers a large group of researchers from various cultural and scientific backgrounds and of various nationalities, as well.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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The Culture of War. From the Sources of War to the Concept of War


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 6-24
No. of Pages: 19
Keywords: , , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The incentive for this paper is the lack of a clear distinction between war and crime. This implies that a profound theoretically defined concept of war is necessary in order for war to be definitely differed from crime. The author maintains that the culture of war is necessary way to separate the war from crime. In order to associate culture to war, one is supposed to find out a denominator which they share in common. The common denominator of culture and politics (security, war etc.) is land/territory/soil. An etymological analysis is provided in order to support the premise. Culture etymologically means the cultivation of land. Politics, originally meaning the ‘wall’, is the fencing and distribution of land, and therefore the struggle for land. This implies that politics (including war) is just a special form of culture. The war is to be cultivated in order to prevent its deviation into a crime. Paper provides the historical account of culture of land distribution. The account includes the cases of ancient Greece’s deme, ancient Rome’s ager publicus, Byzantine’s pronia system, Ottomans’ timar system, etc. The author starts his analysis of the war with the sources of war: conflict relationship, aggressiveness and security. The culture of war asserts to begin from the sources of war. This view finds strong support in Aristotle’s concept of the virtue of courage which is defined by fear. The novelty of this paper is the author’s concept of the culture of fear which is to replace currently ruling culture of unlimited courage as the cause of crime. The culture of fear is the most appropriate device thwarting the deviation of war into a crime. Article concludes with the concept of war, also relied on Aristotle’s view, which is defined by its purpose – peace.
Open access on CEEOL: NOT YET



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