Soviet Union

The Straits’ Question in the aftermath of the Second World War


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 33-40
No. of Pages: 8
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Black Sea’ Straits have been for a long time one of the most important strategic places at the confluence between Asia Minor and Europe. This paper deals with Soviet demands to dominate the Straits in the aftermath of the Second World War and with the Turkish and Western Allies’ response to this project. The USSR embarked not only upon pretending the revision of the Montreux Convention but, even more threatening, advanced territorial pretensions against Turkey. This perhaps contributed significantly to the outbreak of the Cold War.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Two Victims for one Goal. Romania and Finland in British Policy in Autumn 1939


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 27-39
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As soon as the war had broken, Great Britain priorities and actions changed. Great Britain was in conflict with Germany in an era of total war and these reasons made London refuse the transformation of the Soviet Union into a new opponent and obviously into an outspoken ally of Hitler’s Germany, even at the risk of scarifying Romania and Finland. This article analyses the reasons behind British policy regarding these states at the end of 1939.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Cezar Stanciu, Devotaţi Kremlinului. Alinierea politicii externe româneşti la cea sovietică în anii ‘50


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 111-114
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The outcome of a Ph.D. research undertaken at Valahia University of Târgovişte and at its “Grigore Gafencu” Research Center for the History of International Relations and successfully completed in 2008, the book represents an original approach upon a theme barely investigated in earlier studies: Romania’s foreign policy in the years following the Soviet takeover, with a focus on the first half of the 1950s. The author is a young researcher who has systematically investigated the Romanian archives, a fact which permitted him to come up with fresh theories checked with the decision-makers own thoughts and perspectives as they result from first hand documents and various other materials. The aim of the research was to analyze the reasons and the mechanisms of Romania’s subordination to Soviet Union and the regime’s domestic and external goals responsible for the external course it followed and for the changes in its foreign policy it acknowledged with the passing of time.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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Canada’s relations with the U.S.S.R. and its satellites in a divided world


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 83-94
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The political changes in the postwar world, characterized mainly by the lack of trust and diplomatic tensions were framing a new context for Canada’s relations with the new communist bloc. A fresh start, leading the way for new developments, occurred at the end of the World War II and was characterized by the world dominance of the two superpowers: U.S.A. and the Soviet Union. In terms of bipolar world and of U.S. proximity, Canada has promoted a foreign policy pattern characterized by prudence, patience, compromise and flexibility. On the other hand, the Eastern European states’ foreign policy, at least in the early postwar years, has proven the strong imprint of Moscow’s policy. From this perspective, Canada and Eastern Europe, lacking resources and opportunities to initiate and support their views on major international issues, developed a foreign policy of response to the actions of superpowers, trying to reduce East–West tensions.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Lawfare: The Use of International Law, Diplomacy and Propaganda by the Soviet Union during the Korean War


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 163-188
No. of Pages: 26
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Soviet Union proves the perfect case study to demonstrate the use of propaganda as a supplement to political and military objectives. Though not noted for upholding treaties and adhering to rules, the Soviet government was expert at using law to manipulate the international legal system in its favor. This form of lawfare was used to manipulate and exploit the international legal system to supplement military and political objectives to control other states legally, politically and equally as important, through the public media of propaganda. Nowhere was this more apparent than the Korean War. As we see by the rhetoric both at home and abroad, through international political bodies and public propaganda, the Soviet Union worked exhaustively to place the face of the aggressor on the United States. By utilizing both the definition proposed for the state by earlier treaties and that proposed for the individual at Nuremberg, the Soviet Union again and again placed the terms of aggression and aggressive war onto the world stage to undermine the actions of a major opponent, the United States. Phrases such as intervention into the internal affairs of another country, action in disregard of the obligations of the United States to the UN, invasion by armed naval and air forces, and planning, preparing and carrying out hostile acts, were repeated often by the Soviet Union to clearly place the United States in violation of the definition of aggression, even if it was not a strictly legal one.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Christi Scott Bartman, Lawfare. Use of the Definition of Aggressive War by the Soviet and Russian Federation Governments


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 295-296
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The book contains a number of 384 letters of which, as the author confesses, the titles from the beginning and the end of the epistles are missing, titles which would have given more value to the book. One can find in this book letters to the members of the Hohenzollern family members, especially to his father, Karl Anton (until 1885 when the latter died), to his sister Mary of Flanders (until her death in 1912), to his brothers Friedrich (passed away in 1904) and Leopold (dead in 1905), and also to the Queen Elisabeth.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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Ideological basis of Polish citizens resettlement from the Eastern Borderlands in the years 1944-1946


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-118
No. of Pages: 24
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As an outcome of World War II, Polish borders shifted dramatically. Poland lost the Eastern Borderlands, which had been incorporated into Byelorussian SSR, Lithuanian SSR and Ukrainian SSR. As compensation, the Polish state was granted the area of so-called “Recovered Territories”. In September 1944, agreements of mutual evacuation of citizens were signed between Poland and BSSR, LSSR and USSR governments. To fully understand the phenomenon of repatriations, three important questions should be posed. Firstly, terminology should be reconsidered, especially as the notion of ‘repatriation’ causes numerous problems; it is not clear whether it was an voluntary evacuation or resettlement forced by Soviet authorities. Secondly, the question of the context is to be raised, to what extent repatriation was part of Joseph Stalin’s plan to create monoethnic nation-states in Eastern Europe? Stalin’s program of homonational states and its compatibility with the Marxist-Leninist internationalist ideology is to be evaluated. Finally, the analysis will also include the ideological discourse used by the Polish Communist authorities to justify the loss of the Eastern Borderlands. How did the Polish Workers’ Party explain the necessity of repatriation from lands behind the Curzon Line and how did it use Stalin’s idea of monoethnic state to legitimate its authority in Poland? The study is based on archival documents as well as on recent historiographical works.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Allied Discords: Some Considerations Regarding the Overthrow of the Rădescu Government


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 125-135
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The author discloses British sources to demonstrate the efforts of the Foreign Office and the British representatives in Bucharest to stop the seizure of power by a Communist Government. Soviet, American and British representatives participated to the Allied Control Commission of Romania, headed by Soviets; this provided the British a clear view of Soviet interferences. Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden even though instructed British representatives in Bucharest to support Soviets due to the common war efforts, hoped to avoid the inevitable until the end of February when Soviet Union decided to impose a pro-Soviet Government despite his attempts to discuss the matter with Soviets on the terms provided by the recent Declaration on Liberated Europe, issued at Yalta. The Soviet Union succeeded in imposing the fall of the Rădescu Government because the Red Army had occupied Romania and British and United States Governments had no real means to support the cause of a neutral Romanian Government.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Sailors and youth consumption in Soviet seaports during the Cold War period


Language: English
Subject(s): Economy
Page Range: 61-72
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Communication with soviet and foreign sailors was one of the most common ways in the USSR to join the western way of life. Structuring this communication was made by official and non-official institutions. Material and non-material exchange constructed special West image which sometimes have little in common with the real West. Distribution of propaganda materials, black-marketing and exchanging of western LPs are analyzing in the article as the main ways of constructing Imaginary West (term proposed by A. Yurchak). I suppose that Imaginary West was built with the help of western goods which “western image” meant more than their utility and anti-Soviet content of propaganda materials. Cultural exchange had not only influenced the individual cognition but also created new social milieus. Rerecording and exchanging of western albums were the example of such milieu creation. Took its birth inside friend circles in 1960–1970s that process had been officially organized as informal associations in 1980s.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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The Soviet-Romanian military relations in the late 1970s and early 1980s


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 74-96
No. of Pages: 23
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After the crisis from Czechoslovakia (August 1968), the Romanian authorities had never publicly pronounced in favour of Romania’s leaving the Warsaw Treaty Organisation. Nicolae Ceauşescu and the generals of the Romanian Army considered the military preparations taking place within the Warsaw Treaty Organisation had to go on, but they made an attempt to impose certain limits, among which the most important referred to the regulation, based on normative documents of international character and to common interest, of certain issues pertaining to the transit and cross-country of the national territory by troops of the allied states, as well as the regulation concerning the participation of national armies to military applications in other countries of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation by signing bi-lateral and multilateral conventions. The signing of the Final Act in Helsinki couldn’t determine a limit to arming within Europe. The authorities from Moscow ordered the installing of SS-20 nuclear missiles in GDR and Czechoslovakia and tried to introduce new superior types of conventional armament within WTO’s armies. After a period of time, Nicolae Ceausescu took a disputed decision and he announced Leonid Brezhnev that Romania could not agree with the Soviet military plans for replacing the old conventional arsenal with a new one (Moscow, November 1978). That decision was very important for the Romanian economy but for WTO’s powerful was a bad idea. After the earthquake (March 4, 1977), the Romanian economy was much weakened and Nicolae Ceausescu didn’t have financial resources for rebuilding and developing the Romanian economy but besides that he wanted to realise important infrastructure objectives without the economic and know-how assistance from abroad (e.g. ’Danube – Black Sea’ and ’Bucharest – Danube’ Channels). Furthermore, Nicolae Ceausescu opposed to Moscow’s military proposals though he endangered the strategic goals of the military and political alliance to which Romania had already been involved.
Open access on CEEOL: NOT YET



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