Romania

Exploring the newborn in-between Europe: Romania, the Baltic States and the concept of collective security during the 1920’s


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 62-73
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This paper investigates the position of Romania and the Baltic States in the framework of the interwar period debates about collective and regional cooperation.
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In the shadow of Moscow: Romania and the Suez Crisis


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 784-89
No. of Pages: 6
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Suez Crisis has posed to Romania a challenge as the country was forced to take sides in the context of the Cold War. Broadly speaking, the country joined in the Soviet propaganda against the capitalist perpatrators of acts of aggression and supported the Egyptian decisions.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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La longue marche vers le traite franco-roumain de 1926 : alliance d’un systeme de revers, reassurance a Locarno ou texte de circonstance ?


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 17-30
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Les synthèses d’histoire des relations internationales peinent à expliquer la signature des traités entre la France d’une part, la Roumanie puis la Yougoslavie de l’autre après les accords multilatéraux de Locarno d’octobre 1925. Cette dernière solution de sécurité comprenait le repli sur le Rhin en échange de la garantie britannique -et accessoirement italienne. Dans cette configuration, l’alliance polonaise et les accords tchécoslovaques -assez modestes du fait de Prague- sont revus à la baisse et soumis aux règles
d’engagement de la SDN, perdant ainsi leur automaticité. Pourquoi alors la France contracte-t-elle avec des pays qui, non seulement intéressent moins sa sécurité que la Pologne ou la Tchécoslovaquie, mais risquent également de tendre ses relations avec l’Union Soviétique et avec l’Italie ? Ces forces et faiblesses du « système » centre-européen de la France se répercutent sur la Roumanie, qui était supposée servir de pivot à l’ensemble. En effet, participant à la fois à la Petite Entente aux côtés de la
Tchécoslovaquie et à l’alliance avec la Pologne, la Roumanie devait rapprocher les deux frères ennemis slaves pour former le front anti-allemand attendu à Paris. Mais des intérêts périphériques face à la Hongrie et à l’Union Soviétique pouvaient-ils faire de la Roumanie l’articulation de l’ensemble ?
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La Roumanie et la France pendant la guerre froide, les difficultes d’un nouveau debut


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 109-119
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Après qu’on gouvernement communiste ait dirigé la Roumanie, le pays, occupé par l’Armée Rouge, dénonce ses relations avec les allié traditionnels du « camp impérialiste ». À son tour, la France, tributaire de son allié américain, a suivi fidèlement la politique de Washington durant les premières années de la Guerre Froide. Les priorités changent alors dans ces nouvelles circonstances : Paris est dans le « camp capitaliste » luttant contre l’expansion du communisme, et Bucarest se trouve dans la « camp socialiste » luttant contre la menace de l’impérialisme américain et occidental. C’est le stéréotype qui va modeler la perception réciproque concernant les deux pays durant la première décade de la Guerre Froide.
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Mobilizing the European idea at Europe’s eastern frontier. The war propaganda of Romania and Finland as recorded in their bilateral relationship


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 67-75
No. of Pages: 9
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This paper approaches the Finnish and Romanian propaganda about the meaning of their war against Soviet Unions between 1941 and 1944. Parallels and differnces are found and concepts are discussed in this paper which is based on Romanian and Finnish archival documents.
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Florin Anghel, Construirea sistemului „Cordon Sanitaire”. Relaţii româno-polone, 1919-1926, Cluj-Napoca, 2003


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 77-79
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: The relationship between Romania and Poland, two countries situated in the in-between Europe sharing in the 1920s many common aims and security concerns, has received in the Romanian historian Florin Anghel dissertation, recently published by Nereamia Napocae Publishing House, a much needed monograph concerning the period from the inception of the diplomatic relations in 1919 to the Treaty of Guarantee concluded between the two states in 1926.
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Rebecca Haynes, Politica României faţă de Germania între 1936 şi 1940. trans. Cristina Aboboaie (Iaşi: Polirom, 2003)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 119-122
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: Romania’s relations with Germany in the years preceding the Second World War are an important aspect of the Romanian history. Nevertheless, there has been little research on the Romanian policy towards Germany before the conflagration and the way the Romanian-German alliance was established. Rebecca Haynes offers a new perspective on the study of the Romanian-German relations in this period. The paper is the result of a laborious research based on the study of several archives documents and direct confessions. The author does not support the assertions of some historians according to which Romania was a victim of the Western Powers that sacrificed it in order to satisfy the German interests. In fact, the approaching to Germany was due to King Carol who was trying to get the German support against the revisionist powers.
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Ruxandra Cesereanu, Comunism şi represiune. Istoria tematică a unui fratricid naţional (Iaşi: Polirom, 2006).


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 141-143
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: The publishing house Polirom has focused two of its editorial programs on the recent history of Romania and, consequently, Ruxandra Cesereanu’s fits well into this editorial policy. Moreover, Cesereanu’s work is, in a certain sense, a reflection of everything that has been written about communism in Romania so far. The coordinator of the work confesses: “this volume presents and scans the nucleuses specific for the Communism manifestation and repression in Romania.” The themes tackled on this work envisage: the context of the development of communism in the 1940s, the collectivization, the penitentiary system, the security, the deportation, the torture and the persecution of the regime’s opponents and dissidents, the censorship, the social anticommunist movements from 1977 and 1987, the church during the communism, the personality cult.
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About the Idea of “Transylvanianism”


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 7-16
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After the Paris Peace Conference sanctioned the new political and state realities in Central Europe, Hungary embarked upon a perilous program aimed to “revise” the provisions laid down by the Trianon Peace Treaty (4 June 1920) and to restore the medieval borders of the “St. Stephen’s Crown”. Revisionism came out not only as a foreign policy objective but also as a keynote of the social-political system in inter-war Hungary, active in all state activities, embraced by the quasi-totality of the Hungarian society and which gained precedence over any other commandments or principles, be them moral or whatever. Revisionism grew into a real national obsession which disregarded any critical approach.
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La Russie Contemporaine dans L’espace Balkanique: Les Mystères de L’âme Russe et Les Nouvelles Perspectives Géopolitiques et Géostratégiques


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 73-92
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Since early times, there have been many concepts used regarding Russia, meaning key-words and non conventional words; many of them have become real myths and have supported all the legends about the Russian spirit. Nowadays, Russia must be seen in a pragmatic and objective manner, by giving up the mystifying tendencies. The present study presents Russia in the Balkan political and economical context, as well as in many other contexts. The research focuses on the analysis of the way in which today Russia is perceived by the political personalities, by journalists and by the public on the whole. Russia’s status is being analyzed from a geopolitical and geo-strategic point of view, emphasizing also the relationship with Romania. All these aspects are essential in the configuration of a public opinion, a general one, as the world context is in a continuous change and has major consequences on the other states, especially on national issues.
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An untold story: The Romanian-Finnish diplomatic bonds (1923-1939)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 93-110
No. of Pages: 18
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Romanian-Finnish interwar diplomatic relations tell the story of aims, projects, and some achievements but also of failures and short-sightedness. This was partly a reflection of the belief that decisive in a smaller state’s visions’ coming to life rested in its capacity to influence the chancelleries of the greater powers. Consequently, both Finland and Romania encouraged a foreign policy more active on the east-west than on the north-south axis. The fact that the two countries, regardless their geographic and cultural distance, shared the unenviable experience of neighbouring Soviet Russia upset from time to time, especially when instability prevailed in the region, this pattern. Some diplomats also played a role in influencing the development of the relationship between the two states. This paper elaborates on the role of interests and diplomats in the ups and downs of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations after the Romanian and Finnish legations to Helsinki and Bucharest were closed in 1922-1923.
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Mioara Anton, Propagandă şi război, 1941-1944 (Bucureşti: Tritonic, 2007), 461 pp.


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 143-145
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW.After 1989 the number of the works dedicated to the Second World War grew, but their theme remained in the well known spectrum: the East Campaign, the Romanian-German or Romanian-Soviet relations, the moment 23rd of August, the negotiations for concluding an armistice, the role of the Romanian opposition etc. Mioara Anton takes again the subject of her doctorate thesis, having in view, as she said in the Introduction, the aim of recovering a less known and analyzed part of the war history, namely Romania’s official war propaganda.
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Consiliul Naţional pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securităţii, “Partiturile” Securităţii. Directive, ordine, instrucţiuni (Bucureşti:Nemira, 2007)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 153-155
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: The score” of the Securitate. Directives, dispositions, instructions (1947-1987) is booked on the list of the works concerning the Securitate, published by the Romanian Council for Studying the Securitate Archives (CNSAS). This time, Silviu B. Moldovan, Cristina Anisescu and Mirela Matiu offer us the texts of some directives, dispositions and instructions, “texts of repression”, which justified the actions of the dominant group (Securitate agents, militiamen, party activists, investigators, public prosecutors, and, at the inferior limit, informers) and ideologically confirmed the indissoluble connection between the communist Party and the Securitate. All documents presented in this volume have had a secret and internal character, they have been addressed to the Securitate cadres with the aim to instruct them and to create the conditions which to make the repression possible.
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Una Aproximación De La Unión Europea A La Región Geopolítica Del Mar Negro: ¿Del Aislamiento A La Integración?


Language: Spanish
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences
Page Range: 21-40
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After Romania and Bulgaria’s accession into the European Union, the European Commission presented in April 2007 the first Action Plan, a synergy for the Black Sea, that included measures of cooperation envisaging democracy and human rights, energy, transports, environment, fishes, commerce, investigation, regional development. The aim was to increase the relations between the coastal countries of the Black Sea by means of common projects with the EU. This represented a beginning of a real organization in the region, since, from the fall of the totalitarian regimes, the EU was implied in cooperation solely by means of a timid Policy of Neighbourhood. The action plan woke up, then, the interest by this region that “entered”, by means of Romania and Bulgaria’s integration, into the EU. This article analyzes the geopolitical region of the Black Sea that after 17 years from the collapse of the USSR, with the advance of the Euro-Atlantic structures until the Black Sea borders of determines the exit of the countries of this zone from the “shadow cone” of Europe and its advance towards a new geopolitical reality.
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Cristina Bucur, The weight of historical patterns,collective memory and historical legacies over the evolution of the Romanian democratization process


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 127-130
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW. The subject approached by author Cristina Bucur is as fascinating, as it is anfractuous. The overthrow of the Communist regime in Romania in December 1989 had raised a countless number of questions regarding the existence or non-existence of democratic traditions in Romania, about the anti-Communist or anti-Ceausist character of the December 89 events. Especially historians had indulged in apologetic assessments of the interwar period, as the flow of scientific and memorialistic literature about the establishment of Communism grew stronger. Descriptions of Soviet abuses, of the Romanian gulag and the inhumane experiences it hosted made the interwar period seem to the public opinion as a “Golden Age” of democracy and prosperity. The intense Communist critique of the interwar “bourgeois” political system from Marxist-Leninist positions, for so many decades, made it look “unfashionable” to speak about the inherent weaknesses of the political regime in Romania. There were also radical voices that strongly condemned every past evolution, either hoping to start all over again or to just leave everything behind, abandoning all hopes in a process of democratic construction in Romania. There were, nonetheless, authors who – starting from profound scientific insight – tried to find explanations for the present evolutions and for the difficulties encountered in democratization, like Tom Gallagher or Florin Abraham. Cristina Bucur’s work comes as an analytic extension of such preoccupations, focusing mainly on historical patterns.
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Bridge building between far-off European nations: Romania and Finland duringthe 20th century


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 7-15
No. of Pages: 9
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The acquiring of the independence of the Finnish state and the aggrandizement of Romania (1917-1918) are part of the same process of nation and state-building which occurred during the last phase of the World War I when some of the main belligerents were weakened by the war and gradually capitulated while others emerged from the conflagration as winning powers. The previous nation-building process has also many parallels occurring predominantly over the latter half of the 19th century.
Although shaping their main cultural and domestic political patterns in a fairly different milieu, the fact remains that the two nations will soon find themselves caught in the middle of the same tussle of military giants that has characterized the World War II. The two countries reacted by trying to use to their best advantage this hopeless international environment, experiencing also a re-discovery of each other as two nations trashed to the history garbage by Hitler and Stalin, then to be resuscitated against each other by each of the two tyrants.
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Poland, Finland and Romania. Cooperation and Parallelisms up to 1920’s


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 17-26
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The area situated between Finland and Romania cooperation among nations emerged already during the Middle Ages. The bonds strengthened during the Modern Age, although for most of the time only bilateral Finnish – Polish or Polish – Romanian cooperation existed. Nevertheless, during the interbellum Finnish – Polish – Romanian parallels and tripartite cooperation also started to be manifest, which is the focus of this article.
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Two Victims for one Goal. Romania and Finland in British Policy in Autumn 1939


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 27-39
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As soon as the war had broken, Great Britain priorities and actions changed. Great Britain was in conflict with Germany in an era of total war and these reasons made London refuse the transformation of the Soviet Union into a new opponent and obviously into an outspoken ally of Hitler’s Germany, even at the risk of scarifying Romania and Finland. This article analyses the reasons behind British policy regarding these states at the end of 1939.
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Diverging their destinies. Romania, Finland and the September 1944 armistices


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 41-55
No. of Pages: 15
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article investigates comparatively the roads of Romania and Finland to their September 1944 armistices with Soviet Union and their bilateral relations during these dramatic months. It also seeks to compare the two armistices and to explain the slightly different situations in which the two countries found themselves at the end of the war and especially after the armistices. An answer to the question whether the Romanian armistice has influenced in any way the Finnish decision-making for withdrawing from the war is also given.
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Reshaping foreign policy. Romania and Finland’s cases in the context of the CSCE’s opening. A comparative analysis


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 57-74
No. of Pages: 18
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: In the 1960s the West-East relations entered on the road of relaxation and détente. This is the context that permitted the organizing and opening of the CSCE. This is also the context that witnessed the foreign policy reorientation in Finland and Romania, later in Finland, earlier in Romania. Finland’s attitude towards the idea of opening a European security conference changed in time, while Romania had a clear position in supporting the CSCE quite from the beginning. This paper will summarize, comparatively, Romania and Finland’s doctrines of foreign policy for the period 1964-1973, interested in identifying and analyzing the foreign policy doctrines of Romania and Finland in the context of the CSCE preparation, the main question of the study being “what is the relations between Romania and Finland’s foreign policy doctrines and the opening of the CSCE”.
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Neagu Udroiu, Zăpezi din miazănoapte. Ambasador în Finlanda (Bucureşti: Niculescu, 2007), 846 pp.


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 99-100
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: It is rare that a historian has the chance to have in his hands a document of such value for his research. It took decades to get Raoul Bossy, Notti Constantinide and George Duca’s diaries or testimonies published. And many other former Romanian diplomats had not the time or the opportunity to record or publish their vision about a part of Europe which is still mysterious to many Romanians. In Ambassador Neagu Udroiu’s case, his testimony is not only a treasure of information, but it is also fascinating and overwhelming. And this is not only because of its size of 846 pages. It is fascinating for the rare qualities of narrator of the author and for the profound knowledge of the North which emanates from the whole book. It is overwhelming because it provides the historian with the rare opportunity to find out what is beyond the material factors of history, it discloses thoughts, believes, assumptions, perceptions, feelings… By doing so, it grants the analyst the chance to more roundly assess what stays behind certain decisions of foreign policy, the more so as the brief diplomatic reports of nowadays are not comparable with the value and size of their interwar or World War II counterparts.
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Raoul V. Bossy, Mărturii finlandeze şi alte scrieri nordice despre români, ed. Silviu Miloiu (Târgovişte: Valahia University Press, 2008)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 101-103
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This book represents a new version of Raoul Bossy’s pioneering work Finnish testimonies about the Romanians published in 1937, to which two other testimonies are added. The book is structured in 159 pages, where one finds aspects of the Romanian history and society of the 19th century, written by Finnish officers who had taken part within the Russian army in innumerable wars against the Ottoman Empire, many of them carried on the Romanian territory.
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Alexandru Popescu and others, Confluenţe româno-finlandeze. Trei secole de contacte, 85 de ani de relaţii diplomatice


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 105-106
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The years following the disruption of the Iron Curtain and the reunification of Europe have been propitious for investigating and sorting out the commonalities of the European nations, especially of those which for so long have been virtually separated from each other. This is also the case of Finland and Romania, countries which have continued a certain degree of relations at state level but very little at lower levels. This window of opportunity has provided also the study of the Finnish – Romanian relations with the tools for more thoroughly study of their past. Within this frame I would set the publication of the volume dedicated to the Finnish – Romanian confluences.
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Introduction: Under the spell of kinship: Romanian and the Latin countries in the modern age


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-7
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , ,
Summary/Abstract: With the advent of modernization, secularization and nationalism, kinship started to play an important role in the way a nation constructs its foreign policy ideology and, whenever applicable, in the way this ideology is translated into practice. There is no, however, a direct relations between the inputs and outcomes of theorizing and practicing kinship in the foreign policy of a given country. Other stronger inputs such as the international system and its constrains, security dilemmas, regional and international priorities, domestic needs, and demagogy are but a few factors that can strongly influence the outcomes. This issue of VJHS approaches, in the first part, the sea of opportunities and failures that kinship based bilateral relations encountered in the relations between the neo-Latin countries during the 19th and 20th centuries.
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Napoléon III, L’Europe et la formation de l’État National Roumain moderne (1853-1870)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 15-34
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The reopening of the Oriental Crisis, with the launching of the Crimean War (1853-1856), brought the Romanian Principalities situation on the close-up of the European attention. The Peace Congress from Paris (1856), besides the fact that discussed the Romanian Principalities situation as a component of the Oriental Crisis solution, it revealed a new disposal in the alliance system initiated during the Crimean War. Between 1856 and 1859, the Principalities Unification remained in the attention of the European diplomacy and public opinion. France and its Emperor Napoleon III, supported it on the European stage, as a terminus objective of his policy in South-East Europe. The gratitude of the Romanians, officially expressed by Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza, was real and strong, and Napoleon III its first beneficiary. The Unification of the Romanian Principalities appeared as his first great act in applying the nationalities principle. In the same time, France was the European power that constantly supported the Union and the Romanian Nation elected in the period 1859-1866. It represented the most significant moral and material support in the edification process of the modern Romanian national state. At the beginning of the year 1866, the Oriental politics of France was still effective and consistent. Carol I was obviously more decided to do some independence gestures, even though his enthroning in Romania had the support of Napoleon III. The rising of Prussia on the European stage in 1866 reoriented the French policy toward Austria. At the beginning of the year 1867, the attitude of the unfavorable circles from Paris was visible, and with the year 1868, the crisis in the relations with France reached its culminant point. The estrangement of France from Romania constituted a fact, while the Romanians were finding out, in 1867, that in his orientation toward Austria, Napoleon III, in order to counterbalance Prussia’s influence, offered at the meeting from Salzburg the United Principalities (Romania) to Austro-Hungary, as compensation for strengthening the alliance with Vienna. Due to prudence, as long as the European situation remained mostly unchanged, the efforts and the concessions of the Romanian officials to maintain the good relations with France, did not have the expected results. At the beginning of 1870, the French policy became unpredictable. It proved to be rather inactive after 1871 in Orient. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches, suspicions, because Paris did not pursued future objectives and stakes anymore. Its own internal problems, but also the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany on external plan, regarding Orient until 1878, encouraged France to abandon the Oriental zone, and implicitly the former interests regarding Romania.
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The Diplomatic Relations between Romania and Italy: 1879-1914


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 36-52
No. of Pages: 17
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The reopening of the Eastern crisis has caused a new configuration in the traditional relations between Romania and Italy. The establishment of diplomatic relations at legation level between Rome and Bucharest (December 1878) and the signature of a Consular Convention and an Extradition Convention (August 1880) created the legal framework for progressing the relations between the two states. In the context of the Triple Alliance, the joining of Italy to the Austro-Romanian Treaty of October 1883 appears as a large project designed to increase the military cooperation between the allies through naval and military conventions. Italy was thus involved politically and militarily in an area where it had no direct interest to the exclusive advantages in the Austria-Hungary, Romania and Germany. In this way, the Agreement and its provisions constituted a burden on Italy for as long as this country remained tied to this political-military system. The alliance between Italy and Romania will bring a certain intimacy in the relationship between the two governments, at times well-defined (the Balkan question, relations with Austria-Hungary and Russia), but will also create some moments of tension, as it was the case with the violent campaign staged by the Romanian press against Italy in 1912, during the Italo-Turkish war.
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Relazioni romeno-italiani durante la guerra italo-etiopica: tra amicizia e sanzioni. Storia e storiografia


Language: Italian
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 54-65
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article analysis the attitude of Romania during the years 1935-1936 when Italy prepared and then unleashed the war against Ethiopia and the effects of this attitude upon the bilateral relations between Romania and Italy. It also discloses the position of the League of Nations during and after the war between Italy and Ethiopia. It demonstrates the failure of the policy of peace and collective security promoted by status quo states of the League of Nations, including Romania.
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Cooperation and Conflict: The Romanian-Russian Relations during the Oriental Crisis (1875-1878)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 79-113
No. of Pages: 35
Keywords: , , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As a new Russian-Turkish war broke out in 1877, the Romanian political objective of winning the state independence, following a realistic evaluation of the general European conditions, was to be redirected towards a close cooperation with Russia. The Romanian disposition to follow this road, in spite of old anti- Russian feelings, was a significant and a radical political option. Embarking such a relation with Russia, the Romanian politicians experienced both the success of achieving independence and the bitter disappointment of losing a part of the Romania’s national territory, but, on the whole, the result of the war was a major success, given circumstances which could not be mastered in their unpredictable change.
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The Proclamation of Romania’s Neutrality (September 1939) and its effects on the Romanian-Polish relations


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 115-128
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article approaches the effects of the abrupt diplomatic changes of 1939 upon the relations between two East-Central European mid-sized nations, Poland and Romania, and upon their international behaviour. Allies starting with 1921 but choosing a different foreign policy line in the 1930s, the two countries were deeply affected by the August 1939 German-Soviet Pact which destroyed the European equilibrium. Realist and humanitarian, the Romanian foreign policy opted for neutrality when the German-Polish war broke out, but helped the Polish as much as the rules of neutrality allowed it. Because the Romanian- Polish alliance did not ask for more and Romania could not do more in 1939, this was the best Polish could realistically ask from the Romanian Kingdom.
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The outlook of Romanian-Canadian diplomatic relations through international organizations


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 175-187
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article aims to show the outstanding role played by the international organizations in the early years of the Romanian-Canadian relations, especially in the diplomatic field but also in the economic and cultural ones. The two countries, placed after The Second World War in different ideological areas were in many occasions aware that they had many common interests on international policy. But to reach this level of proficiency Romania and Canada needed a number of tools that could be supported by the two superpowers. Therefore the international organizations became these tools and among them have distinguished the United Nations with its series of committees, bodies and programs, and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
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Introduction


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-6
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The introduction presents the two parts of this issue: the first half is dedicated to the Communist regimes’ history and especially to their debacle and consequences and the second half approaches Romania’s position in the international relations in the first half of the 20th century.
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Explaining Communist Nostalgia in Romania: Some Empirical Evidence


Language: English
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences
Page Range: 7-28
No. of Pages: 22
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: At the end of 2009, twenty years after the fall of the communist regime, Romania seems on the verge of probably the deepest economic and social post-communist crisis. In times of crisis, masses tend to act in unexpected ways. They are either more easily allured by authoritarian discourses or more passive politically. In Romania they even show more nostalgia than usual for the recent communist past. Addressing the question of communist nostalgia in Romania, this article tackles questions such as: What is communist nostalgia in Romania? Who shows nostalgia for the communist past? Why does nostalgia for communism occur in Romania? How could this phenomenon be explained? The first part of the article briefly presents the previous interpretations about communist nostalgia in Romania during the last ten years. The second part advances new interpretations as to how Romanians’ communist nostalgia could be explained. The article finds previous explanations of communist nostalgia insufficient, and argues that the lack of a feeling of social welfare explains to a great extent this phenomenon. The conclusions are grounded in data – e.g. interviews with 27 persons and survey of 100 individuals.
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An inedited Romanian reaction to collectivization: the riot of the Mărceşti women


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 51-56
No. of Pages: 6
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The collectivization process took place in Romania between 1949 and 1962. The legal and mostly illegal mechanisms to achieve collectivization evoked negative reactions from the Romanian peasants. One of the reaction forms against the process was the riots or the rebellions. Such was the case of the women from Marcesti (Dobra parish, Dâmboviţa County, Romania). In February 1961, when Tudor Vladimirescu Collective Agricultural Farm (CAF) of Mărceşti was about to start its activity, 150 women rioted against collectivization. Their riot was rapidly reprimanded by the forces of order and eventually CAF Tudor Vladimirescu would become one of the most productive such collective farms in the region (department) of Ploieşti. The effects of the repression on the women and men of the village were manifold.
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Romania’s policy towards the Kellogg-Briand Pact


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 89-96
No. of Pages: 8
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article aims to present the steps that European diplomacy has undertaken towards signing the Kellogg-Briand Pact and the position of Romania to the signing of the Pact. It emphasizes the role played by Romania, through its diplomats, in designing the Pact that made war of aggression illegal. The Kellogg-Briand Pact sprang from the desire of building a collective security system, but worldwide, marking a critical moment in drive towards peaceful diplomacy. The article emphasizes that the nations which took the initiative of signing the treaty of renunciation of war for the regulation of disputes between states were not as interested in its principles as the small and medium states, Romania included. It also shows that at the origin of the Pact of Paris stood divergent interests, each of the signatory state following their own purposes. Romania’s representative to Geneva and then foreign minister, Nicolae Titulescu, defined quite clearly Romania’s interest in signing this pact, understanding both its advantages and limitations. Being one of the states that had acceded to this Pact from the desire to ensure security and maintain world peace, Romania has reserved, however, the right of self-defense of national territory in case of unprovoked aggression. The article concludes that the lack of requirements to defend the peace against aggression made that the pact remain only a declaratory document.
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Romania’s peace feelers (March 1943 – April 1944): views from Helsinki


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 97-110
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This paper analyzes the Finnish diplomacy and media have perceived Romania’s attempts to extricate herself from the war on Nazi Germany’s side. The significance of such a research rests with the fact that, as Romania, Finland also envisaged a way to withdraw from war and any Romanian step taken to that effect, as the paper demonstrates, was attentively monitored by Finnish decision-makers. Moreover, according to an agreement the two countries had concluded back in July 1941, they exchanged information about sensitive issues regarding their foreign and security policies and therefore the quality of knowledge of each other’s intentions was valuable. Sometimes, information affecting the most important interests of the other country could be exchanged, as this paper describes.
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Cezar Stanciu, Devotaţi Kremlinului. Alinierea politicii externe româneşti la cea sovietică în anii ‘50


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 111-114
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The outcome of a Ph.D. research undertaken at Valahia University of Târgovişte and at its “Grigore Gafencu” Research Center for the History of International Relations and successfully completed in 2008, the book represents an original approach upon a theme barely investigated in earlier studies: Romania’s foreign policy in the years following the Soviet takeover, with a focus on the first half of the 1950s. The author is a young researcher who has systematically investigated the Romanian archives, a fact which permitted him to come up with fresh theories checked with the decision-makers own thoughts and perspectives as they result from first hand documents and various other materials. The aim of the research was to analyze the reasons and the mechanisms of Romania’s subordination to Soviet Union and the regime’s domestic and external goals responsible for the external course it followed and for the changes in its foreign policy it acknowledged with the passing of time.
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Liviu Rotman, Evreii din România în perioada comunistă 1944-1964


Language: French
Subject(s): Jewish studies
Page Range: 117-118
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , ,
Summary/Abstract: The problem of minorities in Romania during the installation of the communist regime has preoccupied many historians. Liviu Rotman is one of the most experienced specialists in the field of the history of Jews in Romania, he was especially concerned about the socio-professional and educational this minority. The volume The Jews of Romania during the Communist period 1944-1965 is well constructed, dense data and facts from that era.
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The relations of the Romanian People’s Republic with the United Kingdom (1948-1953)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-104
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The study analyses the Romanian-British tense relations beginning with the proclamation of the Romanian People’s Republic on 30 December 1947 until the beginning of 1954. My thesis is that, despite their different types of political regime, both countries hoped to establish a favourable agreement over the financial debts, but each awaited a favourable international evolution to strongly demand its own request. The research undertaken at the Diplomatic Archives of the Romanian Foreign Ministry and the Romanian National Archives disclosed new documents about the Romanian-British relations. The British Government sent to Romanian Government Notes Verbales with demands to liquidate the past financial issues, including British losses after the nationalization of June 1948, and continued to block Romanian pre-war funds in United Kingdom. Romanian People’s Republic opted for a delaying strategy and arrested the Romanian employees of British Legation in Bucharest in order to be informed on the British prospective measures.
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The evolution of the regulatory norms as regards the right of defence in Romanian legislation


Language: English
Subject(s): Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence
Page Range: 133-143
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The settlement of the right to defence represents the most powerful guarantee offered to a person investigated by the judiciary authorities that the respective person will not be subject to abuse within the investigation and the trial. Regardless of its modalities of expression – the assistance or the representation of the investigated person – the right to defence must be understood as the whole of legal means for invoking and finding the circumstances which support the defence as well as for applying the favourable legal dispositions. If nowadays the legal profession is regulated by a distinct law regarding its organization and exertion, things were very different once. During the mediaeval period, the defence of an investigated person was assigned to one of his relatives or to the husband (in case of a married woman). Subsequently, this duty was assigned to „vechilului judiciar”, to the lawyers with „cu ştiinţă de pravilă”, and in Transylvania, to „procatorilor” or „procuratorilor”. The modern age, strongly influenced by Western Europe, brought about the creation of an unprecedented legislative framework for the Romanian Countries, powerfully connected to the realities of those times. The result was that, at the same time with the adoption of a Criminal Procedure Code, of French and later Italian influence, real guarantees of the right to defence were conferred within the criminal trial. Eventually, under the strong influence of Soviet legislation, this underwent numerous limitations. Nowadays, due to the transposition into national law of international juridical instruments to which Romania is a part, the right to defence is acknowledged as an integral part of the human rights.
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Romania in the Oriental Policy of France 1866-1878


Language: Italian
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 159-161
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Guidato dal sicuro programma di un approfondimento settoriale, cioè le relazioni rumeno-francesi di metà ‘800, Oncescu ha finito col comporre un robusto quadro di sintesi su un periodo di storia rumena, balcanica (o orientale, come si diceva allora) ed europea.
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Guerre, diplomatie et propagande. La France et la Roumanie pendant la Crise Orientale (1875-1878)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 217-245
No. of Pages: 29
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The French eastern politics were rather inactive after 1871. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches and of suspicions, as Paris was not anylonger longer pursuing any future goals. Its own internal problems as well as the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany from the outside, as far as Eastern Europe was concerned until 1878, encouraged France rather to abandon this area, and implicitly its previous interests concerning Romania. Now France threatened Romania on numerous occasions, the French conception being obviously more insistent concerning the diplomatic tutorship of the Romanians. During the Empire’s last years, as well as during the first years of the Third Republic, the French diplomacy no longer accepted the Romanian perspective and will for independence. We consider that the reason for this static attitude of the French diplomacy was not its incapacity to understand, but rather a permanent diminishing of the reasons for action and for offensive in the Danube area and the obsession of France, after 1871, to concentrate on certain defensive objectives of its own, especially as the Third Republic no longer acted in the context of large coalitions like those that had triggered the success of the years of 1853-1856 in the Oriental problem. During the oriental crisis of 1875-1878, France’s reserve concerning the problems of the South-East of Europe was clear, and, concerning Romania’s independence, Paris always insisted on an exhortation to prudence and moderation. The acknowledgement of Romania’s independence and the end of the European protectorate finally found the French-Romanian relations at their most critical point. However, in 1880, France, even though with a certain delay, acknowledged Romania’s independence, establishing official relations with it, by opening the French legation in Bucharest.
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Sorin Cristescu, Carol I Corespondenţă personală (1878-1912)


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 297-298
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The book contains a number of 384 letters of which, as the author confesses, the titles from the beginning and the end of the epistles are missing, titles which would have given more value to the book. One can find in this book letters to the members of the Hohenzollern family members, especially to his father, Karl Anton (until 1885 when the latter died), to his sister Mary of Flanders (until her death in 1912), to his brothers Friedrich (passed away in 1904) and Leopold (dead in 1905), and also to the Queen Elisabeth.
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Keith Hitchins, Ionel Brătianu: Romania (London: Haus Publishing, 2011)


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 179-181
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Except for some minor mistakes (Béla Kun was the éminence grise and commissar of the Hungarian left-wing government of 1919 but not the Prime Minister) the whole enterprise of the author is well documented and balanced, standing out as perhaps the best synthetic approach on Ionel Brătianu’s role in Romanian politics. One can only hope that a Romanian edition of the book is already in sight.
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“An Excellent Friend Afflicted with Internal Difficulties”: The Image of Romania Conveyed by the Finnish Embassy in Bucharest, 1939-1945


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 21-33
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: How people perceive their environment has a crucial role in all decisions they make. This is true in the relations between nations and countries, too. It can also be argued that mental images as such form an important part in all human interaction. This paper analyzes the image of Romania that was created and conveyed by the Finnish embassy in Bucharest during the Second World War. The Second World War was a turning point in Finnish-Romanian relations. The Finnish embassy was established in Bucharest in late 1939, and as a consequence of the war Finland and Romania – as co-belligerents – clearly became more important to each other than ever before. Existing common knowledge of Romania was relatively scarce in Finland, so Finnish envoys had a good chance in affecting perceptions of Romania among leading Finnish political circles. This analysis focuses on the main elements of this image, as well as the overall image of Romania that was conveyed to Finland through diplomatic material created by the embassy in Bucharest. The main task in this analysis is to explain the composition of the image – why it was exactly as it was. It can be seen that the image of Romania was created not only on the basis of domestic features and bilateral factors but also on the basis of larger cultural and political views and aims.
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Romania’s policy in the Middle East (1950-1970). Challenges and opportunities


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 73-94
No. of Pages: 22
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Could small states rise against the superpowers of the Cold War in order to promote their own interests in world affairs? This was the basic premise for this study and it argues that, in the period of reference, Romania could and did develop an independent policy in the Middle East, different from that of the Communist bloc. In spite similarities, Romania’s policy pursued its own economic and political interests, aimed at identifying alternative sources of raw materials and markets, in order to reduce its vulnerability in front of Moscow. The basic aim was to be acknowledged as an independent partner. Relying on Romanian Communist Party sources, declassified in the recent years, this study reveals that this policy was successful and its goals were reached.
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Romania and the first cracks in the implementation of the Hitler-Stalin pact of 1940: Germany’s guarantees granted to Romania at the Vienna Award


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-106
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The non-aggression treaty signed on 23 August 1939 between Nazi leader Adolf Hitler and communist leader Stalin aiming at dividing the spheres of influence in the geopolitical space located between Germany and the USSR from the Baltic to the Danube, is the act which led to the outbreak of World War II. Germany is nowadays assuming full responsibility for Hitler’s outbreak of war, while the Russian or the Anglo-American historiographies are still reluctant to associate Stalin to Hitler. For this reason, today, more than 70 years after its signing by J. von Ribbentrop and V.M. Molotov, would be more appropriate that the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Treaty be called the Hitler-Stalin Pact. Romania is the place where the first cracks in the implementation of this Pact occurred. After the ultimatum addressed to the Moscow government in Bucharest on 28 June 1940 and the occupation by force of Bessarabia, Northern Bucovina and Herta, the USSR had not been invited at the German-Italian arbitration in Vienna on 30 August 1940, despite its claims on southern Bukovina. After the surrender of Northern Transylvania to Hungary and of Southern Dobrogea to Bulgaria, Germany and Italy granted a territorial guarantee to Romania, which deeply disturbed the USSR. This was the first crack in the covenant. Following the occupation of Austria by Germany on 5 April 1938, the latter considered the Danube a German river. At the Danube Conference in Vienna (5-12 September 1940), Germany abolished the International Danube Commission (IDC) and set up a Council of Fluvial Danube. Following the occupation of Bessarabia, the Soviet Union became riparian to the Danube and declared that it was interested in all matters concerning the Danube. It supported the abolition of IDC, but it additionally proposed the abolishing of the European Commission the Danube (CED) and the creation of a unique Danube Commission to cover the whole river, which was not agreed by Germany. This will produce a second crack in the Hitler-Stalin Pact.
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Allied Discords: Some Considerations Regarding the Overthrow of the Rădescu Government


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 125-135
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The author discloses British sources to demonstrate the efforts of the Foreign Office and the British representatives in Bucharest to stop the seizure of power by a Communist Government. Soviet, American and British representatives participated to the Allied Control Commission of Romania, headed by Soviets; this provided the British a clear view of Soviet interferences. Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden even though instructed British representatives in Bucharest to support Soviets due to the common war efforts, hoped to avoid the inevitable until the end of February when Soviet Union decided to impose a pro-Soviet Government despite his attempts to discuss the matter with Soviets on the terms provided by the recent Declaration on Liberated Europe, issued at Yalta. The Soviet Union succeeded in imposing the fall of the Rădescu Government because the Red Army had occupied Romania and British and United States Governments had no real means to support the cause of a neutral Romanian Government.
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Nicolae Petrescu-Comnen and the Romanian-German Relations in 1928


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 137-149
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: 1928 was an important year for Romanian-German relations. It was the year when the agreement settling the economic dispute between the two countries was signed, opening the way for the German participation in the endeavours meant to stabilize the Romanian currency, leu, and the foreign loan the Romanian authorities wanted to obtain. However, our study focuses on how Nicolae Petrescu-Comnen, the new Minister Plenipotentiary of Romania in Berlin, sought to address the diplomatic cooperation with the German authorities, who, at first, regarded him with scepticism. During 1928, Comnen tried to improve Romania’s image in the German media, creating a press office and initiating contacts with the main German news agencies and newspapers. For him, this element was essential as it would help loosen the relations between Bucharest and Berlin. In the summer of 1928, when negotiations were in deadlock, Comnen proposed a set of measures to revive discussions. He was of the opinion that the Romanian state should not miss once again the chance to solve old disputes with Germany, which would have allowed the initiation of a stronger economic cooperation between the two countries. Although Comnen was not part of the negotiating team, his relations with the German politicians and bankers and his expertise in German policy have contributed to the success of the negotiations. The signing of the Romanian-German agreement on November 10 is therefore the result of the diplomatic activity of the Romanian ambassador in Berlin.
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National Controversies beneath Stalinist Uniformity. The Issue of Transylvania in the Romanian-Hungarian Communist Debates


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 53-66
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The following document will describe relevant aspects regarding the relations among “peoples’ democracies” during the Stalinist period (1948-1953). Although their degree of autonomy was severely reduced due to Soviet pressures, certain enmities did persist, in spite of the so-called “uniformity”. The traditional Romanian-Hungarian conflict over Transylvania resurfaced after 1947. The Communist regimes in power continued the rivalry over this territory, bringing new arguments which were in accordance with the political environment. The Hungarians used internationalist arguments in order to justify their interest in the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania. On the other hand, the Romanian communists used the anti-cosmopolitan rhetoric of the time in order to reject any interference from Budapest.
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Romanian propaganda in Portugal during Victor Cădere’s term of office (1942-1944)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 91-103
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Although a small country, Portugal came to occupy during World War II a central place on the great powers’ agenda. This was a result of both the country’s strictly neutral position during the war and of its geostrategic position. If during the interwar period Romanian diplomacy showed little interest in Portugal, this changed dramatically with the outbreak of the war. Romania’s involvement in the Iberian country overlapped the great powers’ interest. Portugal was regarded as a fertile ground for conducting espionage operations, spreading propaganda, handling negotiations and signing economic agreements. The Romanian government showed also an interest in obtaining information on the government and public opinion’s orientation, and the impact of the Anglo-American and German actions on Portuguese neutrality. Victor Cădere assumed the office of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary of Romania in Portugal at the beginning of January 1942, replacing Dimitrie Jurascu. His appointment does not seem hazardous, grounded as it was on the important role the diplomat was called to play as an intermediary between the Romanian, and the British and the American governments and as a supervisor of the cultural and economic approach between Romania and Portugal, on the other hand. Benefitting from the assistance of outstanding cultural personalities such as Mircea Eliade, and of other dedicated members of the legation, the envoy succeeded in promoting the Romanian culture in Portugal and in emphasizing its role within Central and Eastern Europe.
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Maria Costea, Relaţiile politico-diplomatice româno-bulgare (1938-1940)/ Romanian-Bulgarian Politico-Diplomatic Relations (1938-1940)


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 127-128
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The authoress developed an excellent scientific work on the Romanian-Bulgarian relations in a time of high tension in the international relations (1938-1940), which made its mark also on the Romanian-Bulgarian bilateral relations. In an inspired way, the plan of the work is also designed to highlight the impact of the international factors on the bilateral relations: the Agreement of Thessaloniki, the Czechoslovak Crisis and the Munich Agreement, the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, the onset of the Second World War, the Soviet ultimatum to Romania in June 1940 and the Vienna Dictate etc.
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The establishment of the Little Entente and the tribulations of regional cooperation within East-Central Europe (1920-1921)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 107-118
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: During the first half of August 1920, it was a huge diplomatic battle where Romania had an important part, maybe a decisive one. The dispute was between a French plan that intended to set up a Polish-Romanian-Hungarian alliance with an apparent Anti-Bolshevik disposition, essential for France’s interests in that moment, and a Czech plan for an Anti-Hungarian alliance of all the neighbors of Hungary. For the Romanian leaders both political designs were somehow unsatisfactory. Which proposal was picked up by Romania? And especially why? Did Romania forward its own scenario for regional cooperation in East-Central Europe? Did the Romanian proposal succeed? Which were the bases of the Little Entente? Why regional cooperation had so many misfortunes in the first inter-war years? The responses for these questions represent the substance of our text, the core of our paper, even if some answers imply more questions.
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Ilarion Ţiu, Istoria mişcării legionare 1944-1968


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 227-230
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Ilarion Ţiu’s book is composed of four chapters, each dealing with a separate phase in the evolution of the Legion, from a chronological perspective. The first chapter deals with the end of World War 2 (1944-1945) and the efforts undertaken by the movement to obtain a better position on the Romanian political scene, which was already being restructured after six years of dictatorship. The “Legionnaires” tried to organize a government in exile, but also to react to the power gained by the Communist party. The extreme-rightists attempted a political coalition with the National Peasants Party but failed (pp. 75). As political purges and arrests were already being initiated by the government, the “Legionnaires” announced publicly that they shall remain inactive, so as to avoid persecutions. In December 1945, the Ministry of Interior agreed to sign a convention with the Legion, according to which the “Legionnaires” would surrender their arms and renounce any disruptive activities and in exchange the Ministry offered assurances that those members who comply would not be persecuted (pp. 90-91). Ana Pauker, one of the most prominent members of the Politburo, advocated in favor of accepting “Legionnaires” in the Communist party, as a form of neutralization and control.
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Ambassadeurs en pays étranger : la place des lecteurs dans la diplomatie culturelle franco-roumaine (années 1960 et 1970)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 169-185
No. of Pages: 17
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After a halt determined by the implementation of communism, French-Romanian relations started to regain impetus. Despite being members of two ideologically opposite camps, France and Romania sustain the development of their bilateral exchanges. This is why cultural relations grow and diversify. Language lectureships are created both in France and Romania. Beyond their official purpose, language teaching, lecturers and lectureships play an important role as information relays and even cultural ambassadors. Archival documents from the French and Romanian Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Romanian universities (Iasi and Bucharest) and oral interviews were used for studying lecturers’ actions during the ‘60 and ’70. They allow and ensure contact, better knowledge, and understanding between citizens East and West of the Iron Curtain. French students discover Romania, its language, its culture, its traditions, while Romanians manage to maintain a connection with the French civilizations and, through it, with the western civilization. In this article I argue that despite all the controls carried out by the Romanian authorities, there were exchanges between French and Romanians, proving that the Iron Curtain was permeable. This study also illustrates the complexity of East-West cultural relations during the Cold War.
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The Soviet-Romanian military relations in the late 1970s and early 1980s


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 74-96
No. of Pages: 23
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After the crisis from Czechoslovakia (August 1968), the Romanian authorities had never publicly pronounced in favour of Romania’s leaving the Warsaw Treaty Organisation. Nicolae Ceauşescu and the generals of the Romanian Army considered the military preparations taking place within the Warsaw Treaty Organisation had to go on, but they made an attempt to impose certain limits, among which the most important referred to the regulation, based on normative documents of international character and to common interest, of certain issues pertaining to the transit and cross-country of the national territory by troops of the allied states, as well as the regulation concerning the participation of national armies to military applications in other countries of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation by signing bi-lateral and multilateral conventions. The signing of the Final Act in Helsinki couldn’t determine a limit to arming within Europe. The authorities from Moscow ordered the installing of SS-20 nuclear missiles in GDR and Czechoslovakia and tried to introduce new superior types of conventional armament within WTO’s armies. After a period of time, Nicolae Ceausescu took a disputed decision and he announced Leonid Brezhnev that Romania could not agree with the Soviet military plans for replacing the old conventional arsenal with a new one (Moscow, November 1978). That decision was very important for the Romanian economy but for WTO’s powerful was a bad idea. After the earthquake (March 4, 1977), the Romanian economy was much weakened and Nicolae Ceausescu didn’t have financial resources for rebuilding and developing the Romanian economy but besides that he wanted to realise important infrastructure objectives without the economic and know-how assistance from abroad (e.g. ’Danube – Black Sea’ and ’Bucharest – Danube’ Channels). Furthermore, Nicolae Ceausescu opposed to Moscow’s military proposals though he endangered the strategic goals of the military and political alliance to which Romania had already been involved.
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Charity societies in inter-war Romania. Case-study: the city of Ploieşti 


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 78-97
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: In the period between the two world wars local charity organizations and branches of the charity organization in the Capital functioned in the city of Ploiesti as well. Their work would aid the needy, especially: new born, future mothers, tuberculosis sick, students with health problems  and elderly without income. The charity actions of these companies were supported by grants from physical entities and judicial entities, as well as the local authorities, especially  Ploiesti City Hall.
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Considerations regarding Romania’s consulates in Poland in the interwar period


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 122-135
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: In the current study, I analyze a topic less approached by Romanian researchers so far, such as the organization of the consular network of Romania in Poland between the two World Wars. I have chosen this topic as a result of my preoccupation with the analysis of the way in which the diplomatic missions and consular offices of Romania were organized and run in the interwar period. I start from the premise that a better knowledge of the institutional architecture of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and of the diplomatic and consular missions can help better our understanding of the way in which the Romanian diplomacy acted between the two World Wars. In the present case, the investigation on the foundation, functioning and dissolution of Romania’s career and honorary consulates on the territory of Poland represents an indicator that captures, from this angle, the complexity of the relations between the two neighbouring states. I am not only interested in the political, economic or cultural elements of the functioning of the Romanian consular network in Poland, but also in the human factor. We are interested in seeing, for instance, who the Romanian career consuls were (Warsaw, Lwów), as well as those who guaranteed the honorary consulates of Romania (Łódź, Wilno, Katowice etc.) and their relations to the diplomatic mission of Romania in Warsaw.
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