France

L’Albanie dans la Politique Étrangère de la France,1919-1940


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 24-61
No. of Pages: 38
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The article approaches the position of Albania in France’s foreign policy in the interwar period. The French policy in Albania is described by the author as episodic, discontinous and conjunctural.
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Intérêts et images, La France et l’Europe médiane au 20ème siècle


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-16
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Dans le cadre de ce numéro du VJHS, il serait illusoire de chercher à étudier l’ensemble de la question posée par les relations entre la France et les peuples d’Europe médiane au 20ème siècle. Le titre de ce numéro doit donc être entendu comme un cadre général, dans lequel les contributions rassemblées forment autant de petites touches illustrant différents aspects de la relation entre la France et l’Europe médiane. Loin de l’envisager dans toute son étendue temporelle ou géographique, on essaie donc ici de présenter quelques éléments de ce tableau vaste et complexe. Fidèle à sa volonté de permettre à des jeunes chercheurs de publier, le VJHS met également en avant des travaux issus de thèses récentes (Isabelle Davion, Traian Sandu, Sophie Vilks-Battaia…) ou en cours d’élaboration (Frédéric Clavert). Ces contributions donnent une image des relations entre France et Europe médiane très
complexe.
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La longue marche vers le traite franco-roumain de 1926 : alliance d’un systeme de revers, reassurance a Locarno ou texte de circonstance ?


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 17-30
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Les synthèses d’histoire des relations internationales peinent à expliquer la signature des traités entre la France d’une part, la Roumanie puis la Yougoslavie de l’autre après les accords multilatéraux de Locarno d’octobre 1925. Cette dernière solution de sécurité comprenait le repli sur le Rhin en échange de la garantie britannique -et accessoirement italienne. Dans cette configuration, l’alliance polonaise et les accords tchécoslovaques -assez modestes du fait de Prague- sont revus à la baisse et soumis aux règles
d’engagement de la SDN, perdant ainsi leur automaticité. Pourquoi alors la France contracte-t-elle avec des pays qui, non seulement intéressent moins sa sécurité que la Pologne ou la Tchécoslovaquie, mais risquent également de tendre ses relations avec l’Union Soviétique et avec l’Italie ? Ces forces et faiblesses du « système » centre-européen de la France se répercutent sur la Roumanie, qui était supposée servir de pivot à l’ensemble. En effet, participant à la fois à la Petite Entente aux côtés de la
Tchécoslovaquie et à l’alliance avec la Pologne, la Roumanie devait rapprocher les deux frères ennemis slaves pour former le front anti-allemand attendu à Paris. Mais des intérêts périphériques face à la Hongrie et à l’Union Soviétique pouvaient-ils faire de la Roumanie l’articulation de l’ensemble ?
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La France, la petite entente et la Pologne : relations economiques et financieres de la signature du traite de Versailles a la crise


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 31-46
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This paper approaches the history of the relations between France and the new or reshaped countries from East-Central Europe following the Versailles Treaty, especially as regards the economic and financial aspects and their political implications.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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The Eye of the Beholder: the Finns, Finland and Paris, 1870-1940


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 47-66
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Images and perceptions are a constant problem for the researcher in the History of International Relations. None in the fields of humanities would nowadays write that the relations between states are explainable without references to those troublesome “mental forces”. In the case of the relation between a small national community and a great power, the role of images and representations can be overwhelming. This article explores one of this cases.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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L’integration de la Pologne dans a Petite Entente : cheval de Troie de la France et serpent de mer diplomatique


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 67-93
No. of Pages: 26
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Lors de la constitution de la Petite Entente en 1920, le gouvernement français se montre défavorable à une organisation qui cherche visiblement à prendre le contre-pied des démarches du Quai d’Orsay. Mise devant le fait accompli, la politique de sécurité française doit rapidement changer son fusil d’épaule et prendre en compte le regroupement de la Tchécoslovaquie, la Yougoslavie et la Roumanie contre le révisionnisme hongrois. Mais tant au gouvernement qu’à l’état-major, de nombreux agents français sont d’avis que la Petite Entente doit s’ouvrir à des enjeux diplomatiques plus larges. Le maréchal Foch, le premier, dénonce une alliance défensive accessoire au regard du danger allemand. Dès lors, l’intégration de la Pologne à l’organisation permettrait de renforcer la défense de l’ensemble des traités de paix de 1919-1920. Ainsi, la politique polonaise de la France vis-à-vis de la Petite-Entente présente deux particularités majeures : l’adhésion ou simplement la participation de Varsovie à l’organisation est encouragée par le Quai d’Orsay qui y voit la possibilité d’arrimer cette dernière à son réseau d’alliances, la Pologne est en ce sens le cheval de Troie de la France.
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La politique etrangere de la France envers la Lettonie dans les annees vingt : d’une politique generale a une politique bilaterale


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-108
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Durant les premières années de l’après guerre, les relations avec la Lettonie sont ambiguës car elles dépendent de l’évolution du nouveau régime bolchevique. La France lie le sort de la Lettonie à celui de la Russie en pleine guerre civile. La situation en Russie préoccupe les Français qui craignent pour leur sécurité. Ce ne sera qu’à partir de 1921 qu’un changement dans l’attitude de la France va s’opérer avec l’arrivée d’Aristide Briand à la présidence du Conseil et au ministère des Affaires étrangères. Dans le cadre du cordon sanitaire le long de la frontière occidentale de la Russie soviétique, la France reconnaît enfin la Lettonie de jure et engage de véritables relations diplomatiques bilatérales avec elle. Ces relations, toujours cordiales, seront surtout marquées par la réforme agraire lettone et le problème de la faiblesse de l’indemnisation des quelques Français expropriés de leurs grands domaines.
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La Roumanie et la France pendant la guerre froide, les difficultes d’un nouveau debut


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 109-119
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Après qu’on gouvernement communiste ait dirigé la Roumanie, le pays, occupé par l’Armée Rouge, dénonce ses relations avec les allié traditionnels du « camp impérialiste ». À son tour, la France, tributaire de son allié américain, a suivi fidèlement la politique de Washington durant les premières années de la Guerre Froide. Les priorités changent alors dans ces nouvelles circonstances : Paris est dans le « camp capitaliste » luttant contre l’expansion du communisme, et Bucarest se trouve dans la « camp socialiste » luttant contre la menace de l’impérialisme américain et occidental. C’est le stéréotype qui va modeler la perception réciproque concernant les deux pays durant la première décade de la Guerre Froide.
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Napoléon III, L’Europe et la formation de l’État National Roumain moderne (1853-1870)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 15-34
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The reopening of the Oriental Crisis, with the launching of the Crimean War (1853-1856), brought the Romanian Principalities situation on the close-up of the European attention. The Peace Congress from Paris (1856), besides the fact that discussed the Romanian Principalities situation as a component of the Oriental Crisis solution, it revealed a new disposal in the alliance system initiated during the Crimean War. Between 1856 and 1859, the Principalities Unification remained in the attention of the European diplomacy and public opinion. France and its Emperor Napoleon III, supported it on the European stage, as a terminus objective of his policy in South-East Europe. The gratitude of the Romanians, officially expressed by Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza, was real and strong, and Napoleon III its first beneficiary. The Unification of the Romanian Principalities appeared as his first great act in applying the nationalities principle. In the same time, France was the European power that constantly supported the Union and the Romanian Nation elected in the period 1859-1866. It represented the most significant moral and material support in the edification process of the modern Romanian national state. At the beginning of the year 1866, the Oriental politics of France was still effective and consistent. Carol I was obviously more decided to do some independence gestures, even though his enthroning in Romania had the support of Napoleon III. The rising of Prussia on the European stage in 1866 reoriented the French policy toward Austria. At the beginning of the year 1867, the attitude of the unfavorable circles from Paris was visible, and with the year 1868, the crisis in the relations with France reached its culminant point. The estrangement of France from Romania constituted a fact, while the Romanians were finding out, in 1867, that in his orientation toward Austria, Napoleon III, in order to counterbalance Prussia’s influence, offered at the meeting from Salzburg the United Principalities (Romania) to Austro-Hungary, as compensation for strengthening the alliance with Vienna. Due to prudence, as long as the European situation remained mostly unchanged, the efforts and the concessions of the Romanian officials to maintain the good relations with France, did not have the expected results. At the beginning of 1870, the French policy became unpredictable. It proved to be rather inactive after 1871 in Orient. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches, suspicions, because Paris did not pursued future objectives and stakes anymore. Its own internal problems, but also the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany on external plan, regarding Orient until 1878, encouraged France to abandon the Oriental zone, and implicitly the former interests regarding Romania.
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Romania in the Oriental Policy of France 1866-1878


Language: Italian
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 159-161
No. of Pages: 3
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Guidato dal sicuro programma di un approfondimento settoriale, cioè le relazioni rumeno-francesi di metà ‘800, Oncescu ha finito col comporre un robusto quadro di sintesi su un periodo di storia rumena, balcanica (o orientale, come si diceva allora) ed europea.
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Guerre, diplomatie et propagande. La France et la Roumanie pendant la Crise Orientale (1875-1878)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 217-245
No. of Pages: 29
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The French eastern politics were rather inactive after 1871. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches and of suspicions, as Paris was not anylonger longer pursuing any future goals. Its own internal problems as well as the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany from the outside, as far as Eastern Europe was concerned until 1878, encouraged France rather to abandon this area, and implicitly its previous interests concerning Romania. Now France threatened Romania on numerous occasions, the French conception being obviously more insistent concerning the diplomatic tutorship of the Romanians. During the Empire’s last years, as well as during the first years of the Third Republic, the French diplomacy no longer accepted the Romanian perspective and will for independence. We consider that the reason for this static attitude of the French diplomacy was not its incapacity to understand, but rather a permanent diminishing of the reasons for action and for offensive in the Danube area and the obsession of France, after 1871, to concentrate on certain defensive objectives of its own, especially as the Third Republic no longer acted in the context of large coalitions like those that had triggered the success of the years of 1853-1856 in the Oriental problem. During the oriental crisis of 1875-1878, France’s reserve concerning the problems of the South-East of Europe was clear, and, concerning Romania’s independence, Paris always insisted on an exhortation to prudence and moderation. The acknowledgement of Romania’s independence and the end of the European protectorate finally found the French-Romanian relations at their most critical point. However, in 1880, France, even though with a certain delay, acknowledged Romania’s independence, establishing official relations with it, by opening the French legation in Bucharest.
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Ambassadeurs en pays étranger : la place des lecteurs dans la diplomatie culturelle franco-roumaine (années 1960 et 1970)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 169-185
No. of Pages: 17
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: After a halt determined by the implementation of communism, French-Romanian relations started to regain impetus. Despite being members of two ideologically opposite camps, France and Romania sustain the development of their bilateral exchanges. This is why cultural relations grow and diversify. Language lectureships are created both in France and Romania. Beyond their official purpose, language teaching, lecturers and lectureships play an important role as information relays and even cultural ambassadors. Archival documents from the French and Romanian Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Romanian universities (Iasi and Bucharest) and oral interviews were used for studying lecturers’ actions during the ‘60 and ’70. They allow and ensure contact, better knowledge, and understanding between citizens East and West of the Iron Curtain. French students discover Romania, its language, its culture, its traditions, while Romanians manage to maintain a connection with the French civilizations and, through it, with the western civilization. In this article I argue that despite all the controls carried out by the Romanian authorities, there were exchanges between French and Romanians, proving that the Iron Curtain was permeable. This study also illustrates the complexity of East-West cultural relations during the Cold War.
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