Warning: "continue" targeting switch is equivalent to "break". Did you mean to use "continue 2"? in /home/cetatead/vjhs.ro/wp-content/themes/Divi/includes/builder/functions.php on line 4763
foreign policy Archives – Valahian Journal of Historical Studies
Warning: count(): Parameter must be an array or an object that implements Countable in /home/cetatead/vjhs.ro/wp-includes/kses.php on line 893

foreign policy

Intérêts et images, La France et l’Europe médiane au 20ème siècle


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-16
No. of Pages: 12
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Dans le cadre de ce numéro du VJHS, il serait illusoire de chercher à étudier l’ensemble de la question posée par les relations entre la France et les peuples d’Europe médiane au 20ème siècle. Le titre de ce numéro doit donc être entendu comme un cadre général, dans lequel les contributions rassemblées forment autant de petites touches illustrant différents aspects de la relation entre la France et l’Europe médiane. Loin de l’envisager dans toute son étendue temporelle ou géographique, on essaie donc ici de présenter quelques éléments de ce tableau vaste et complexe. Fidèle à sa volonté de permettre à des jeunes chercheurs de publier, le VJHS met également en avant des travaux issus de thèses récentes (Isabelle Davion, Traian Sandu, Sophie Vilks-Battaia…) ou en cours d’élaboration (Frédéric Clavert). Ces contributions donnent une image des relations entre France et Europe médiane très
complexe.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

La longue marche vers le traite franco-roumain de 1926 : alliance d’un systeme de revers, reassurance a Locarno ou texte de circonstance ?


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 17-30
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Les synthèses d’histoire des relations internationales peinent à expliquer la signature des traités entre la France d’une part, la Roumanie puis la Yougoslavie de l’autre après les accords multilatéraux de Locarno d’octobre 1925. Cette dernière solution de sécurité comprenait le repli sur le Rhin en échange de la garantie britannique -et accessoirement italienne. Dans cette configuration, l’alliance polonaise et les accords tchécoslovaques -assez modestes du fait de Prague- sont revus à la baisse et soumis aux règles
d’engagement de la SDN, perdant ainsi leur automaticité. Pourquoi alors la France contracte-t-elle avec des pays qui, non seulement intéressent moins sa sécurité que la Pologne ou la Tchécoslovaquie, mais risquent également de tendre ses relations avec l’Union Soviétique et avec l’Italie ? Ces forces et faiblesses du « système » centre-européen de la France se répercutent sur la Roumanie, qui était supposée servir de pivot à l’ensemble. En effet, participant à la fois à la Petite Entente aux côtés de la
Tchécoslovaquie et à l’alliance avec la Pologne, la Roumanie devait rapprocher les deux frères ennemis slaves pour former le front anti-allemand attendu à Paris. Mais des intérêts périphériques face à la Hongrie et à l’Union Soviétique pouvaient-ils faire de la Roumanie l’articulation de l’ensemble ?
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

L’integration de la Pologne dans a Petite Entente : cheval de Troie de la France et serpent de mer diplomatique


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 67-93
No. of Pages: 26
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Lors de la constitution de la Petite Entente en 1920, le gouvernement français se montre défavorable à une organisation qui cherche visiblement à prendre le contre-pied des démarches du Quai d’Orsay. Mise devant le fait accompli, la politique de sécurité française doit rapidement changer son fusil d’épaule et prendre en compte le regroupement de la Tchécoslovaquie, la Yougoslavie et la Roumanie contre le révisionnisme hongrois. Mais tant au gouvernement qu’à l’état-major, de nombreux agents français sont d’avis que la Petite Entente doit s’ouvrir à des enjeux diplomatiques plus larges. Le maréchal Foch, le premier, dénonce une alliance défensive accessoire au regard du danger allemand. Dès lors, l’intégration de la Pologne à l’organisation permettrait de renforcer la défense de l’ensemble des traités de paix de 1919-1920. Ainsi, la politique polonaise de la France vis-à-vis de la Petite-Entente présente deux particularités majeures : l’adhésion ou simplement la participation de Varsovie à l’organisation est encouragée par le Quai d’Orsay qui y voit la possibilité d’arrimer cette dernière à son réseau d’alliances, la Pologne est en ce sens le cheval de Troie de la France.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

Europeaness versus National-Communism: United Europe as a gateway to non-alignment for Ceauşescu’s régime


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 63-78
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The National-Communist regime in Romania focused on two primary objectives: a modernization program meant to overcome underdevelopment by a new wave of industrialization and an independent position in the international affairs in order to gain domestic legitimacy and protection against the Soviet control. Ceauşescu’s regime developed an entire concept on the future of Europe, based on the economical cooperation and respect for sovereignty, with the intention to gain support for its major political goals. This study examines Ceauşescu’s concept of Europe and the way he used the non-alignment rhetoric to justify its purposes. “Europe” is an ideological instrument which served for asserting international independence and for granting easy access to technological and financial gateways towards development.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

Hanna Smith, ed. Russia and its Foreign Policy. Influences, Interests and Issues (Kikimora Publications: Helsinki, 2006), 255 pp.


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 123-127
No. of Pages: 5
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: REVIEW: Hanna Smith is a research fellow at the Aleksanteri Institute of the University of Helsinki, Finland, specialized on Russian foreign policy after 1991. She is currently working on a PhD. thesis about Russia’s relations with the international organizations during the Chechen wars. In this volume published by the Kikimora Publications, Hanna Smith gathers a great number of specialists on Russian policy analyzing the present trends and orientations in the Russian foreign policy and investigating with great insight the causes and factors that act upon the process of foreign policy making in the Russian Federation nowadays.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

Foreign policy and national interest. The Danish-German relations between the two World Wars


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 111-120
No. of Pages: 1
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Denmark’s security policy during the two great world wars can be characterised as a policy of adaptation vis-à-vis Germany. This policy included a sceptical attitude toward Danish military capability and a recognition of the limitations of small states. According to this interpretation, foreign policies, as well as defence policy, were subordinated to adaptation. The main problem for Denmark was to assure the compatibility of the two concepts of neutrality and collective security within the League of Nations. Denmark was conducting a very careful foreign policy trying to avoid anything that might cause displeasure in Germany and increase the danger of a German attack. Its policy at the League of Nations was greatly influenced by its position as a tiny neighbour of Germany. This explains why Denmark refused to participate in sanctions policy and avoided to condemn any German actions even in the case when its interests were deeply affected.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

The Turkish perception on the Black Sea Region: A Historical Analysis


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 67-83
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Turkey has been playing her “strategic location” card starting with the Cold War years after the Second World War. Over 50 years of time, Turkey has emphasized the importance of her role as a buffer zone between the Communist world and the “free” world. However, the end of the Cold War forced the country to change her policies towards the neighbors and the regional developments due to not only the enlargement policies of NATO but also the European Union. Here in this paper, the aim is to analyze the process that the Turkish foreign policy has gone through starting from the end of the Second World War up to the 21st century. The first part of the paper concentrates on the years after the Second World War up to the collapse of the Berlin Wall, then the paper is dealing with the developments after the 1990 including the establishment of the BSEC and other international organizations, process that took place between 1990 and 2000. After the attacks on September 11, 2001 the attention given to the region has increased dramatically due to the increased rhetoric on the new security threats and the realization of the interconnectedness between the global security and regional security. Therefore the paper is focusing on the period after the 2000 up to the year 2007 in a separate section with a special emphasis on the EU enlargement and the accession of Turkey. Besides, both the bilateral and the multilateral agreements in the region had the aim of integrating the regional countries to the “European” and “western” systems, either be they the EU or the NATO. Turkey has not been an exception in this equation, meaning that Turkey’s policies towards the regional countries aimed at approximating and integrating, in the long run, the region to the EU mainly and in return played the strategic location card again as she did in the Cold War years. Therefore, the paper will conclude with a section focusing on the intertwined relations between Turkey’s adventure to become an EU member state and her policies towards the Black Sea Region.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

The five who scared… America, too. The immediate effects of the attempt in Bern (1955) over the Romanian diplomacy


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 41-50
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Bern attempt was a unique event in the history of young RPR and it caused exaggerated fears among communist leaders. On one hand, the Romanian communist regime considered that the Western secret services had worked together with the aim proving Moscow’s upper hand on the Eastern popular democracies. On the other hand, February 1955 represented the date when the external Romanian resistance, in its various forms, passed from parlor opposition to a violent action marked by heroic symbolism. The Romanian refugees in the West showed that they were able to take special responsibilities and bring the name of the communist government from Bucharest to the attention of the whole world. On a medium and long term, the Bern attempt had somber consequences over the Romanian diplomacy. Those engaged in the activity of external agencies of Romania were placed under the Securitate (secret service) control for the rest of their lives. Theoretically, such an attempt should not have happened again and the prevention was assured by a secret service that was working with brutal methods. In order to prevent that kind of events recurring, the Legations and embassies of the R.P.R. undertook an enormous load of informative work, surveillance, infiltration, and terrorizing of the Romanian immigrants in the West.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

Cezar Stanciu, Devotaţi Kremlinului. Alinierea politicii externe româneşti la cea sovietică în anii ‘50


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 111-114
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The outcome of a Ph.D. research undertaken at Valahia University of Târgovişte and at its “Grigore Gafencu” Research Center for the History of International Relations and successfully completed in 2008, the book represents an original approach upon a theme barely investigated in earlier studies: Romania’s foreign policy in the years following the Soviet takeover, with a focus on the first half of the 1950s. The author is a young researcher who has systematically investigated the Romanian archives, a fact which permitted him to come up with fresh theories checked with the decision-makers own thoughts and perspectives as they result from first hand documents and various other materials. The aim of the research was to analyze the reasons and the mechanisms of Romania’s subordination to Soviet Union and the regime’s domestic and external goals responsible for the external course it followed and for the changes in its foreign policy it acknowledged with the passing of time.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

The relations of the Romanian People’s Republic with the United Kingdom (1948-1953)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-104
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The study analyses the Romanian-British tense relations beginning with the proclamation of the Romanian People’s Republic on 30 December 1947 until the beginning of 1954. My thesis is that, despite their different types of political regime, both countries hoped to establish a favourable agreement over the financial debts, but each awaited a favourable international evolution to strongly demand its own request. The research undertaken at the Diplomatic Archives of the Romanian Foreign Ministry and the Romanian National Archives disclosed new documents about the Romanian-British relations. The British Government sent to Romanian Government Notes Verbales with demands to liquidate the past financial issues, including British losses after the nationalization of June 1948, and continued to block Romanian pre-war funds in United Kingdom. Romanian People’s Republic opted for a delaying strategy and arrested the Romanian employees of British Legation in Bucharest in order to be informed on the British prospective measures.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

National Interest and Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Nigerian-British Relations, 1960-1999


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 53-72
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The relations between Britain and Nigeria were chequered in the four decades following Nigeria’s independence in October 1960. Only a slight difference is discernible in the level of closeness between both countries when Nigeria was under democratic governments or under military dictatorships. The fact that Nigeria was governed by authoritarian military regimes for much of the period from 1960-1999 did not therefore substantially affect relations even though British foreign policy has emphasized opposition to dictatorial governments and military juntas for centuries. This article interrogates the seeming contradiction and challenges the notion that the values defended by liberal democracies like Britain automatically make relations between them and military regimes adversarial. It maintains that there are instances where this general pattern is not followed depending on other factors. This is clearly revealed by the fact that the first half of the 1970s marked one of the best experiences of Anglo-Nigerian relations even though Nigeria was under a military government during the period. The relations between Britain and Nigeria however turned sour under another military government in Nigeria from 1976-1979. A similar pattern of chequered relations is discernible from 1984-1998. The article contends that economic considerations, the approach of Nigerian leaders to governance at different times, whether civilian or military, and the prevailing condition of the international system were prominent factors that shaped the Anglo-Nigerian relations. The factor of undemocratic government in Nigeria was therefore only one of numerous other determinants of relations.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail

The beginning of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-American relations, after Romania’s admission to the United Nations


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 133-154
No. of Pages: 22
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The way in which the cultural Romanian-American exchanges developed after Romania joined the United Nations Organization as part of the East-West relations was only a politically controlled phenomenon. Especially in Bucharest, but also in Washington, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the State Department approved certain cultural activities and rejected others. As both parts were very wary about keeping a certain political balance, the Romanian and American governments filtered the cultural actions and only approved the ones which suited their interests and did not endanger their own value system. Thus we can affirm that the Romanian cultural influence in American society or the American influence in Romanian society were both minimal. Films, exhibitions, music evenings and other cultural events were seen as curious attractions by the other country. But they received the distinction of being moments of real political effort to relax the bilateral political relations. The contacts were not that often as to create real cultural bridges between the two nations, but they were useful especially for reducing political tensions.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail