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diplomacy Archives – Valahian Journal of Historical Studies
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diplomacy

L’Albanie dans la Politique Étrangère de la France,1919-1940


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 24-61
No. of Pages: 38
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The article approaches the position of Albania in France’s foreign policy in the interwar period. The French policy in Albania is described by the author as episodic, discontinous and conjunctural.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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An untold story: The Romanian-Finnish diplomatic bonds (1923-1939)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 93-110
No. of Pages: 18
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Romanian-Finnish interwar diplomatic relations tell the story of aims, projects, and some achievements but also of failures and short-sightedness. This was partly a reflection of the belief that decisive in a smaller state’s visions’ coming to life rested in its capacity to influence the chancelleries of the greater powers. Consequently, both Finland and Romania encouraged a foreign policy more active on the east-west than on the north-south axis. The fact that the two countries, regardless their geographic and cultural distance, shared the unenviable experience of neighbouring Soviet Russia upset from time to time, especially when instability prevailed in the region, this pattern. Some diplomats also played a role in influencing the development of the relationship between the two states. This paper elaborates on the role of interests and diplomats in the ups and downs of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations after the Romanian and Finnish legations to Helsinki and Bucharest were closed in 1922-1923.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Cooperation and Conflict: The Romanian-Russian Relations during the Oriental Crisis (1875-1878)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 79-113
No. of Pages: 35
Keywords: , , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: As a new Russian-Turkish war broke out in 1877, the Romanian political objective of winning the state independence, following a realistic evaluation of the general European conditions, was to be redirected towards a close cooperation with Russia. The Romanian disposition to follow this road, in spite of old anti- Russian feelings, was a significant and a radical political option. Embarking such a relation with Russia, the Romanian politicians experienced both the success of achieving independence and the bitter disappointment of losing a part of the Romania’s national territory, but, on the whole, the result of the war was a major success, given circumstances which could not be mastered in their unpredictable change.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Introduction


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-6
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The introduction presents the two parts of this issue: the first half is dedicated to the Communist regimes’ history and especially to their debacle and consequences and the second half approaches Romania’s position in the international relations in the first half of the 20th century.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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The five who scared… America, too. The immediate effects of the attempt in Bern (1955) over the Romanian diplomacy


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 41-50
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Bern attempt was a unique event in the history of young RPR and it caused exaggerated fears among communist leaders. On one hand, the Romanian communist regime considered that the Western secret services had worked together with the aim proving Moscow’s upper hand on the Eastern popular democracies. On the other hand, February 1955 represented the date when the external Romanian resistance, in its various forms, passed from parlor opposition to a violent action marked by heroic symbolism. The Romanian refugees in the West showed that they were able to take special responsibilities and bring the name of the communist government from Bucharest to the attention of the whole world. On a medium and long term, the Bern attempt had somber consequences over the Romanian diplomacy. Those engaged in the activity of external agencies of Romania were placed under the Securitate (secret service) control for the rest of their lives. Theoretically, such an attempt should not have happened again and the prevention was assured by a secret service that was working with brutal methods. In order to prevent that kind of events recurring, the Legations and embassies of the R.P.R. undertook an enormous load of informative work, surveillance, infiltration, and terrorizing of the Romanian immigrants in the West.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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The relations of the Romanian People’s Republic with the United Kingdom (1948-1953)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 95-104
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The study analyses the Romanian-British tense relations beginning with the proclamation of the Romanian People’s Republic on 30 December 1947 until the beginning of 1954. My thesis is that, despite their different types of political regime, both countries hoped to establish a favourable agreement over the financial debts, but each awaited a favourable international evolution to strongly demand its own request. The research undertaken at the Diplomatic Archives of the Romanian Foreign Ministry and the Romanian National Archives disclosed new documents about the Romanian-British relations. The British Government sent to Romanian Government Notes Verbales with demands to liquidate the past financial issues, including British losses after the nationalization of June 1948, and continued to block Romanian pre-war funds in United Kingdom. Romanian People’s Republic opted for a delaying strategy and arrested the Romanian employees of British Legation in Bucharest in order to be informed on the British prospective measures.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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War, diplomacy and propaganda: an introduction


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-8
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This aim behind this issue of VJHS was to improve our knowledge of the multidimensional relations which have existed between war, diplomacy and propaganda during the 19th to the 21st centuries, i.e. the patterns of change, the depth and breadth of means and aims. The fact that a new look into this topic was necessary is proven by the multifarious approaches of the contributors in terms of methodology, sources and topics. We hope that these goals have been at least partly achieved and that by the articles integrated in our pages will meet some of the expectations of the interested readership.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



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Guerre, diplomatie et propagande. La France et la Roumanie pendant la Crise Orientale (1875-1878)


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 217-245
No. of Pages: 29
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The French eastern politics were rather inactive after 1871. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches and of suspicions, as Paris was not anylonger longer pursuing any future goals. Its own internal problems as well as the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany from the outside, as far as Eastern Europe was concerned until 1878, encouraged France rather to abandon this area, and implicitly its previous interests concerning Romania. Now France threatened Romania on numerous occasions, the French conception being obviously more insistent concerning the diplomatic tutorship of the Romanians. During the Empire’s last years, as well as during the first years of the Third Republic, the French diplomacy no longer accepted the Romanian perspective and will for independence. We consider that the reason for this static attitude of the French diplomacy was not its incapacity to understand, but rather a permanent diminishing of the reasons for action and for offensive in the Danube area and the obsession of France, after 1871, to concentrate on certain defensive objectives of its own, especially as the Third Republic no longer acted in the context of large coalitions like those that had triggered the success of the years of 1853-1856 in the Oriental problem. During the oriental crisis of 1875-1878, France’s reserve concerning the problems of the South-East of Europe was clear, and, concerning Romania’s independence, Paris always insisted on an exhortation to prudence and moderation. The acknowledgement of Romania’s independence and the end of the European protectorate finally found the French-Romanian relations at their most critical point. However, in 1880, France, even though with a certain delay, acknowledged Romania’s independence, establishing official relations with it, by opening the French legation in Bucharest.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Diplomacy, Propaganda and War in 1877-1878: The case of Romania


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 247-262
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The tensions existing in the Balkan Peninsula during the seventh and the eighth decades of the 19th century were generated by the deep crisis the Ottoman Empire was crossing through and the evident intention of Russia to act as a great protector of Christians living in this area. These circumstances forced the Romanian state to decide also vis-à-vis the perennial Eastern Question. The Romanian initiatives by which Bucharest was trying to induce at least the idea of separation of the Ottoman Empire met with the reluctance of the Guarantor Powers. In these circumstances, a strong propaganda in the media targeting politicians and intellectuals in Western Europe was pursued in the period 1866-1877. The ones who will be involved in this action and whether they succeeded is an important goal of our approach, as well as the existence of different national attitudes to the crisis that broke out in 1875 and special ways to resolve it in order to achieve and change the international legal status of Romania. The failure of a few attempts to change the international legal status by such peaceful means, war became the remaining option of the governmental circles. Expression of the decision of Prince Charles I and the other two liberals surrounding him in 1877, IC Bratianu and M. Kogalniceanu, the independence proclaimed by the Parliament in Bucharest stressed the decision to no longer accept the maintenance of relations with Sublime Porte in a traditional formula considered now obsolete. The recognition of the independence of Romania was an Odyssey in which a constant effort by a large part of the Romanian political class was undertaken to receive the blessing of the international community.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Germany, Romania and the July Crisis (1914)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 263-278
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Of all the European powers involved in the conduct of the Great War, Germany suffered the most as a result of the responsibilities it had. In Berlin, the crisis in July 1914 revealed the behaviour of a small group of decision-takers in government. The Germany of Kaiser Wilhelm had no overview of the development of the war, no military and civilian strategy. No state council validated rationally the critical situation for which, later, the nation was held responsible. The political elite, mainly of aristocratic origin, was indecisive. They were beset by doubts, confusion and petty quarrels. Discussions in late July and early August limited the short-term management of the political crisis. The way this crisis would affect the nation’s future was not discussed. Berlin resembled a house without an owner. Balkan politics replaced its aspirations for world domination. Unlike Germany, Romania did not react to the crisis in July with the arguments of a great power. In Romania, the Crown Council, convened in Sinaia on July 21, 1914, decided everything. In modern Romania, few foreign policy debates have played a role as important. At the end of the debate, King Carol I, as a constitutional monarch, had to accept neutrality. He considered that Romania would regret this decision in the future. After July 21, Romania’s policy towards Germany changed significantly. After the adoption of neutrality, Romania was de facto outside any contractual obligations. The real heart of the negotiations moved towards the attractions of co-belligerence. For the first time in their recent history, mistrust, lack of hope for the future and instability now characterized Romanian-German relations.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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History and international propaganda. The case of Bessarabia and Alexandru Boldur


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 279-292
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The year 1928 brought not only the celebration of 10 years since the Great Union, but also recorded a greater frequency of revisionist actions related to the system adopted after the Treaty of Versailles. Since the Bolshevik instigation in Bessarabia and the intense Hungarian activity in Transylvania and throughout Europe amplified, the Romanian state used the external propaganda in order to convince the decisional political circles of the justness of its arguments in order to maintain the borders as it was decided after the First World War. One of the propaganda tools used by Bucharest was to make good use of history and historians in order to defend the national interests of Romania. Thus, the historian Alexandru Boldur began a partnership with the Press and Information Directorate that helped him to publish books and brochures that supported the Romanian point of view regarding Bessarabia, therefore combating the Soviet standpoint. In addition, Boldur proposed a very bold international investigation in which teachers, lawyers, economists and politicians from several countries were questioned about the Bessarabian issue. This project, outlined very well in its initial form, encountered money matters and, thus, its efficiency was very low. Nevertheless, this case indicates the dilettantism of the Romanian authorities regarding the external propaganda and proved the preeminence of internal political tensions concerning the major national interests of Romania.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Allied Discords: Some Considerations Regarding the Overthrow of the Rădescu Government


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 125-135
No. of Pages: 11
Keywords: , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The author discloses British sources to demonstrate the efforts of the Foreign Office and the British representatives in Bucharest to stop the seizure of power by a Communist Government. Soviet, American and British representatives participated to the Allied Control Commission of Romania, headed by Soviets; this provided the British a clear view of Soviet interferences. Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden even though instructed British representatives in Bucharest to support Soviets due to the common war efforts, hoped to avoid the inevitable until the end of February when Soviet Union decided to impose a pro-Soviet Government despite his attempts to discuss the matter with Soviets on the terms provided by the recent Declaration on Liberated Europe, issued at Yalta. The Soviet Union succeeded in imposing the fall of the Rădescu Government because the Red Army had occupied Romania and British and United States Governments had no real means to support the cause of a neutral Romanian Government.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Nicolae Petrescu-Comnen and the Romanian-German Relations in 1928


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 137-149
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: 1928 was an important year for Romanian-German relations. It was the year when the agreement settling the economic dispute between the two countries was signed, opening the way for the German participation in the endeavours meant to stabilize the Romanian currency, leu, and the foreign loan the Romanian authorities wanted to obtain. However, our study focuses on how Nicolae Petrescu-Comnen, the new Minister Plenipotentiary of Romania in Berlin, sought to address the diplomatic cooperation with the German authorities, who, at first, regarded him with scepticism. During 1928, Comnen tried to improve Romania’s image in the German media, creating a press office and initiating contacts with the main German news agencies and newspapers. For him, this element was essential as it would help loosen the relations between Bucharest and Berlin. In the summer of 1928, when negotiations were in deadlock, Comnen proposed a set of measures to revive discussions. He was of the opinion that the Romanian state should not miss once again the chance to solve old disputes with Germany, which would have allowed the initiation of a stronger economic cooperation between the two countries. Although Comnen was not part of the negotiating team, his relations with the German politicians and bankers and his expertise in German policy have contributed to the success of the negotiations. The signing of the Romanian-German agreement on November 10 is therefore the result of the diplomatic activity of the Romanian ambassador in Berlin.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Romanian-Serbian dynastic relationships during the second half of the 19th century


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 151-175
No. of Pages: 25
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The study focuses on the private as well as on the official relationships of the Romanian and Serbian princely and then royal families from the second half of the 19th century. Since the rapports of the Obrenović family with the Romanian Principalities and afterwards with Romania, were much more substantial than those of Cuza or of the Hohenzollerns with Serbia, the biggest part of the study concerns mostly these features. The dynamics of these relationships was influenced by the fact that Milan and Alexander Obrenović, kings of Serbia in that period and Queen Natalia – Milan’s wife and mother of Alexander – had solid Romanian origins. This situation brought all three of them in close connection with Romania and its reigning dynasty. The facts behind these official and private relationships are less familiar both to the unskilled history reader and also among the scholars who studied the history of the 19th century. The dissemination of such less known or even unknown details could be worthwhile for Balkan and European historiography. The circumstances can help us to more deeply understand the connections between the private relationships and the official decisions of the monarchs and to better place their actions within the larger framework of the European and world history. The outcome of the inquiry is an initial landmark into an unexplored field of history completed by using a great diversity of published and unpublished records.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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Romanian propaganda in Portugal during Victor Cădere’s term of office (1942-1944)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 91-103
No. of Pages: 13
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Although a small country, Portugal came to occupy during World War II a central place on the great powers’ agenda. This was a result of both the country’s strictly neutral position during the war and of its geostrategic position. If during the interwar period Romanian diplomacy showed little interest in Portugal, this changed dramatically with the outbreak of the war. Romania’s involvement in the Iberian country overlapped the great powers’ interest. Portugal was regarded as a fertile ground for conducting espionage operations, spreading propaganda, handling negotiations and signing economic agreements. The Romanian government showed also an interest in obtaining information on the government and public opinion’s orientation, and the impact of the Anglo-American and German actions on Portuguese neutrality. Victor Cădere assumed the office of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary of Romania in Portugal at the beginning of January 1942, replacing Dimitrie Jurascu. His appointment does not seem hazardous, grounded as it was on the important role the diplomat was called to play as an intermediary between the Romanian, and the British and the American governments and as a supervisor of the cultural and economic approach between Romania and Portugal, on the other hand. Benefitting from the assistance of outstanding cultural personalities such as Mircea Eliade, and of other dedicated members of the legation, the envoy succeeded in promoting the Romanian culture in Portugal and in emphasizing its role within Central and Eastern Europe.
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The beginning of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-American relations, after Romania’s admission to the United Nations


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 133-154
No. of Pages: 22
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The way in which the cultural Romanian-American exchanges developed after Romania joined the United Nations Organization as part of the East-West relations was only a politically controlled phenomenon. Especially in Bucharest, but also in Washington, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the State Department approved certain cultural activities and rejected others. As both parts were very wary about keeping a certain political balance, the Romanian and American governments filtered the cultural actions and only approved the ones which suited their interests and did not endanger their own value system. Thus we can affirm that the Romanian cultural influence in American society or the American influence in Romanian society were both minimal. Films, exhibitions, music evenings and other cultural events were seen as curious attractions by the other country. But they received the distinction of being moments of real political effort to relax the bilateral political relations. The contacts were not that often as to create real cultural bridges between the two nations, but they were useful especially for reducing political tensions.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



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