Issue No. 14 (2010)


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 5-8
No. of Pages: 4
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This aim behind this issue of VJHS was to improve our knowledge of the multidimensional relations which have existed between war, diplomacy and propaganda during the 19th to the 21st centuries, i.e. the patterns of change, the depth and breadth of means and aims. The fact that a new look into this topic was necessary is proven by the multifarious approaches of the contributors in terms of methodology, sources and topics. We hope that these goals have been at least partly achieved and that by the articles integrated in our pages will meet some of the expectations of the interested readership.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 9-32
No. of Pages: 24
Keywords: , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: I have studied Joseph de Maistre’s texts in order to research his views on the issues of war and peace in the era of the Revolution and the Restoration. Maistre (1753-1821) was a conservative, Catholic philosopher, diplomat, and a political refugee. Maistre’s general views on war were complex. He granted war a purifying and chastising function in human society. Maistre was against both the Revolution and the Napoleonic regime, between which he saw no difference. Nevertheless, he was equally consistent in his conviction that the French nation should not be confused with Napoleon, and thus he opposed all the plans of “Carthaginian peace” for France while he supported such peace when it came to the Napoleonic regime. Maistre’s most direct personal contribution to the war consisted of providing intelligence and writing propaganda texts for the cause of the counter-revolution; these activities took place when Maistre was in Switzerland in 1790’s. Probably the most conspicuous feature in Maistre’s propagandist work is its straightforward populism. Furthermore, he saw that the fortunes of war belonged entirely to the realm of Divine Providence and thus they were way beyond human wisdom and science. When the Napoleonic wars were over Maistre was not entirely happy for he was afraid that the victorious great powers would disdain the small powers’ legitimate rights. He found himself disappointed in both of the two most emblematic phenomena of the Restoration era, namely the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Alliance.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 33-52
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article is a contribution to the recent literature which has examined the Napoleonic Wars (1803-15). The vast majority of this literature has explored the wars from conventional perspectives of political history. This article’s purpose is to widen the scope; it incorporates approaches of cultural, political and media history. The main aim is to investigate British perceptions of the Russians, Swedes and Finns as expressed in war journalism during the Russian-Swedish War of 1808-9. In order to arrive at a balanced view of their central features and importance, attitudes of the press are compared and contrasted with those of travellers, anthropologists and “official Britain”. Although British newspapers primarily covered the main developments and events of the war, news reporting also contained interesting cultural references through which it has been possible to draw attention to the underlying British opinions about the above countries. Attitudes expressed about the Finns and Swedes in newspaper reports were much more positive than those elicited in other types of writing, whereas those about Russia, reflected pan-European negative images of the country and were clearly propagandist. British war-reporting mirrored a multitude of popular contemporary discourses of which anti-Jacobin propaganda was perhaps most visibly present. It also revealed common stereotypical views often expressed in Britain about other countries and peoples. British news-writing, which considered the suffering of Finnish and Swedish civilians, also clearly displayed the essential components of Protestant altruism.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 53-68
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The following article is an illustration of the interesting venture of the medical women from the Scottish Women’s Hospitals organization in Dobruja, Wallachia and Bessarabia during World War I. More precisely, a unit of this organization under the leadership of Dr. Elsie Inglis has traveled to the Russian Empire and then to Romania in their purpose to provide medical assistance for the Ist Serbian Volunteer Division. In 1916 this division was fighting in Dobruja on the orders of the Russian War Minister. As we will see, because of the difficulties created by the retreat from Dobruja, these brave Scottish women would be reunited with their protégés, the Serbian volunteers from the Russian army, only in a year’s time. The circumstances of this reunion (the Bolshevik Revolution and its consequences for the Great War) would hasten the departure of Dr. Elsie Inglis’s medical unit. As her last act of compassion for the Serbs, it seems likely that Dr. Inglis used her influence on the Royal Navy to also allow the transfer of the Ist Serbian Volunteer Division to the Macedonian front. In my research I have used press and journals from the beginning of the 20th century as well as recent academic books and articles.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 69-78
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: At the end of the First World War, there was a large number of issues that required immediate solutions, one of the most urgent being the issue of the former war prisoners’ repatriation. The Romanian State, just like the other states, had to solve its problems in due time. The true problems, though, were generated by the absence of Russia from the Paris Peace Conference. As the Russian territory was facing rather confusing circumstances due to the Civil War, finding solutions to repatriate Romanian prisoners and volunteers became mandatory. The Romanian State commissioned Victor Cădere whose Mission was to repatriate all Romanian subjects from Siberia. A young officer, Raoul Alevra, was also commissioned to assist Victor Cadere in his assignments. The repatriation of Romanian volunteers who fought on the Allied forces’ side on Russian land was planned at the Peace Conference; the plan provided that the volunteers were to board British ships. Not so fortunate was the prisoners’ fate which was exclusively in the hands of the Romanian State. Hence, the Romanian Military Mission set up a concentration unit, near Vladivostok, where all prisoners, citizens of United Romania, were admitted to be repatriated later. Within the base, the prisoners had a well scheduled programme, e.g. military drill, Romanian language classes, literacy, whereas officers attended conference on various themes such as agronomy, commerce, economics, and politics. The Mission operated until May 1921 and by that time some 5,000 people were repatriated.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 79-104
No. of Pages: 26
Keywords: , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The article deals with the security and identity policy of a newly-independent state, Finland, after the First World War. The scholars differ largely in their opinions of the importance of the activities of the smaller countries, but the impact of the smaller nations in re-mapping the post-WWI Europe can hardly be denied. Also Finnish foreign policy and the Finnish position within the world policy belong to this context: to the meeting-place of the old and the new: how would Finland maintain its independence after the collapse of the Russian and German Empires and create a credible image in the eyes of the world? The article argues that it was not only the two traditional great powers, Soviet Russia and Germany, or the neutralist Scandinavia, which were considered in Finnish foreign policy and identity-building processes. There were also other alternatives, none of which, however, were functional in the longer run. Finland would have gladly allied itself with Great Britain, but could not do this because Britain was not interested. It could not cooperate with White Russia because the latter did not recognize its independence and the hatred against all things Russian had become colour-blind. Eastern Europe could not serve the same purposes either, although there were many similarities in the new position and even the structure of the society was equally agrarian. However, Eastern Europe influenced the Finnish identity by forming the contrast in the Finnish minds. It served the purpose of creating the Finnish “Self”, in which democratic mentality, chances to social advancement and reform especially through education, law-abiding nature, honesty of the civil servants, national cohesion, and hard, silent but efficient and punctual work were considered to be key elements. It was mainly the Scandinavian, Lutheran background which made them see Eastern Europe as the “Other”. Therefore, there were only the League of Nations, the strong sense of belonging to the “West”, the gradual “Scandinavization” and the national military virtues left – and these were also the only things one had in 1939.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 105-122
No. of Pages: 18
Keywords: , , , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: This article deals with international relations of Finnish Fascism in 1941-1944. It reveals contradictions in their concept of Europe as it focuses on images of other German allies/co-belligerents, namely Croatia, Slovakia and Estonia. As the reports and articles concerning these countries had little to do with reality, they tell more about the Finnish Fascists, their expectations for a European nation and foremost about the European system of international relations. The news from these countries can be divided into three categories. Firstly, the increased productivity under the new governments was emphasized. Secondly, the news stressed the common battle against the Soviet Union paying attention to the armaments or actual soldiers. Thirdly, and related to the previous one, appraisals in public speeches towards Finland were reprinted: Europeans had to respect each other and this respect was gained on the battlefield. Although none of the states could provide a desired old state independence, earlier representations of national spirit were brought forward. Estonia was used as a warning example of perils of Bolshevism due to the Soviet rule there in 1940-1941. The fact that nearly all the news derived from Germany, emphasizes the centralized nature of their Europe. The direct criticism was unsurprisingly avoided in these presentations. This was easy in the cases of distant Slovakia and Croatia but the actual situation in Estonia was more known in Finland and could not be totally ignored. Consequently the news ceased long before the war ended.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 123-132
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: “The Overall Bulgaria” (Цeлокупна Бaлгариja – Celokupna Bălgarija) newspaper was an informational, socio-political newspaper which the Directorate for National Propaganda of Bulgaria issued in Skopje during the period of 24 May 1941 until 31 August 1944. Designed as a daily newspaper The Overall Bulgaria informed the public in Macedonia of the position on the battle fields and of the successes that Germany and the other countries members of the Axis powers achieved during the Second World War. The newspaper, conforming to the Programme plan of the Directorate for National Propaganda did not differ from the press of the other Axis countries in the way it interpreted the world events. The information of the victories of the German and Axis armies on the fronts worldwide was allocated a central place in the newspaper. The information of the defeats of the same armies were cleverly hidden and concealed, deliberately redirecting the readers’ attention to the great losses the enemies suffered in the Second World War. The news of the great losses which the armies of the Third Reich suffered or instances when their army had broken the international military rights were not obviously published. The fact that selected information was published in the newspaper and the great subjectivity when informing the public make of The Overall Bulgaria an example of the propaganda press issued during wartime.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 133-142
No. of Pages: 10
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: In December 1941, when Anthony Eden visited Moscow, Stalin put him in front of a series of post-war territorial arrangements. Beside the return to the Soviet border of 1941, other „suggestions” also came up, the final result being a Soviet – British condominium over whole Europe. But Eden abstained to assume any commitment and, five months later, when the Soviet – British Treaty was signed, it didn’t mentioned any such things and wasn’t accompanied by secret protocols. Our paper focuses on the press commentaries, from Turkey, Sweden and Switzerland. The ones from Turkey were absolutely well-balanced, while those from Switzerland were Soviet Union-sided. Most interesting are those from Sweden. They launched the idea of secret protocols, a topic on which they published extensively, stressing the fact that it was genuine and showing no reserve as to their origin. The journals analyzed by us had a strong pro-German bias, which induces us that this mediatic offensive was guided from Berlin. The importance of these commentaries is quite obvious: it was read by the public opinion and by the diplomats and it could have a certain effect on the consolidation of the idea that alliance with Germany was a wise decision after all.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 143-162
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The need for propaganda becomes more prominent at the time of wars and other crises. During the early Cold War, the United Nations Security Council was an important arena of Great Power politics where the general aims of diplomats was to strengthen the morale of one’s own side, undermine the morale of counterparts, and perhaps above all, have neutral parties support one’s political efforts – or at least prevent them from supporting enemy efforts. The focus here is on Soviet propaganda during the Iran Crisis of 1946, which was the first case the newly constituted Security Council was faced with. When considered on the whole, the Soviet delegates’ speeches were built upon a quite clear-cut narrative plot which followed the composition of the good-versus-evil classic fairy tale. In the creation of this, the choice of methods was rather broad.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 163-188
No. of Pages: 26
Keywords: , , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The Soviet Union proves the perfect case study to demonstrate the use of propaganda as a supplement to political and military objectives. Though not noted for upholding treaties and adhering to rules, the Soviet government was expert at using law to manipulate the international legal system in its favor. This form of lawfare was used to manipulate and exploit the international legal system to supplement military and political objectives to control other states legally, politically and equally as important, through the public media of propaganda. Nowhere was this more apparent than the Korean War. As we see by the rhetoric both at home and abroad, through international political bodies and public propaganda, the Soviet Union worked exhaustively to place the face of the aggressor on the United States. By utilizing both the definition proposed for the state by earlier treaties and that proposed for the individual at Nuremberg, the Soviet Union again and again placed the terms of aggression and aggressive war onto the world stage to undermine the actions of a major opponent, the United States. Phrases such as intervention into the internal affairs of another country, action in disregard of the obligations of the United States to the UN, invasion by armed naval and air forces, and planning, preparing and carrying out hostile acts, were repeated often by the Soviet Union to clearly place the United States in violation of the definition of aggression, even if it was not a strictly legal one.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 189-208
No. of Pages: 20
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: During the Cold War both sides used propaganda extensively to influence their own citizens, each other, and Third World nations. Cominform journal, “For a Lasting Peace. For a People’s Democracy!”, witch is the only overt evidence of the communist organization continuous activity, formed in early Cold War the principal external propaganda arm for Soviet Union and for the Eastern bloc. Therefore to understand the early years of Cold War it is useful to know about the appearance and the organization of Cominform journal, about its role and reactions caused by its propaganda activity. The purpose of this study is to gather additional information about this journal, from different sources, some of which are unpublished. Following the appearance of Cominform and of its journal, United States and Great Britain leaders acknowledged the importance of propaganda as a permanent peacetime instrument of foreign policy, both states being concern to organize special departments, whose priority was Anti-Communism. Therefore it can be said that the principal result of “For a Lasting Peace. For a People’s Democracy!” activity was that it has contributed to elevating opposition to communism to a first principle of Western ideology and politics.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 209-216
No. of Pages: 8
Keywords: , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The aim of this contribution is to investigate the Austrian occupation of the Romanian Principalities during the Crimean War from the point of view of the connections between war, diplomacy and propaganda. The revisiting of several Austrian sources endorses the thesis of a deficient propaganda, unsupplied by the good will and behaviour shown by the occupants themselves. The historiographical controversy on the purpose of the 1854-1856 occupation (a temporary move, or the prelude for an annexation), though not solved, gets a new depth by the analysis of the perceptions of the officers deployed in the Principalities. The issue of propaganda, rather hinted than openly addressed, was not ignored by the military.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: French
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 217-245
No. of Pages: 29
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The French eastern politics were rather inactive after 1871. In Romania’s case, it was full of reproaches and of suspicions, as Paris was not anylonger longer pursuing any future goals. Its own internal problems as well as the influences of Austro-Hungary, Russia and Germany from the outside, as far as Eastern Europe was concerned until 1878, encouraged France rather to abandon this area, and implicitly its previous interests concerning Romania. Now France threatened Romania on numerous occasions, the French conception being obviously more insistent concerning the diplomatic tutorship of the Romanians. During the Empire’s last years, as well as during the first years of the Third Republic, the French diplomacy no longer accepted the Romanian perspective and will for independence. We consider that the reason for this static attitude of the French diplomacy was not its incapacity to understand, but rather a permanent diminishing of the reasons for action and for offensive in the Danube area and the obsession of France, after 1871, to concentrate on certain defensive objectives of its own, especially as the Third Republic no longer acted in the context of large coalitions like those that had triggered the success of the years of 1853-1856 in the Oriental problem. During the oriental crisis of 1875-1878, France’s reserve concerning the problems of the South-East of Europe was clear, and, concerning Romania’s independence, Paris always insisted on an exhortation to prudence and moderation. The acknowledgement of Romania’s independence and the end of the European protectorate finally found the French-Romanian relations at their most critical point. However, in 1880, France, even though with a certain delay, acknowledged Romania’s independence, establishing official relations with it, by opening the French legation in Bucharest.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 247-262
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The tensions existing in the Balkan Peninsula during the seventh and the eighth decades of the 19th century were generated by the deep crisis the Ottoman Empire was crossing through and the evident intention of Russia to act as a great protector of Christians living in this area. These circumstances forced the Romanian state to decide also vis-à-vis the perennial Eastern Question. The Romanian initiatives by which Bucharest was trying to induce at least the idea of separation of the Ottoman Empire met with the reluctance of the Guarantor Powers. In these circumstances, a strong propaganda in the media targeting politicians and intellectuals in Western Europe was pursued in the period 1866-1877. The ones who will be involved in this action and whether they succeeded is an important goal of our approach, as well as the existence of different national attitudes to the crisis that broke out in 1875 and special ways to resolve it in order to achieve and change the international legal status of Romania. The failure of a few attempts to change the international legal status by such peaceful means, war became the remaining option of the governmental circles. Expression of the decision of Prince Charles I and the other two liberals surrounding him in 1877, IC Bratianu and M. Kogalniceanu, the independence proclaimed by the Parliament in Bucharest stressed the decision to no longer accept the maintenance of relations with Sublime Porte in a traditional formula considered now obsolete. The recognition of the independence of Romania was an Odyssey in which a constant effort by a large part of the Romanian political class was undertaken to receive the blessing of the international community.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 263-278
No. of Pages: 16
Keywords: , , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Of all the European powers involved in the conduct of the Great War, Germany suffered the most as a result of the responsibilities it had. In Berlin, the crisis in July 1914 revealed the behaviour of a small group of decision-takers in government. The Germany of Kaiser Wilhelm had no overview of the development of the war, no military and civilian strategy. No state council validated rationally the critical situation for which, later, the nation was held responsible. The political elite, mainly of aristocratic origin, was indecisive. They were beset by doubts, confusion and petty quarrels. Discussions in late July and early August limited the short-term management of the political crisis. The way this crisis would affect the nation’s future was not discussed. Berlin resembled a house without an owner. Balkan politics replaced its aspirations for world domination. Unlike Germany, Romania did not react to the crisis in July with the arguments of a great power. In Romania, the Crown Council, convened in Sinaia on July 21, 1914, decided everything. In modern Romania, few foreign policy debates have played a role as important. At the end of the debate, King Carol I, as a constitutional monarch, had to accept neutrality. He considered that Romania would regret this decision in the future. After July 21, Romania’s policy towards Germany changed significantly. After the adoption of neutrality, Romania was de facto outside any contractual obligations. The real heart of the negotiations moved towards the attractions of co-belligerence. For the first time in their recent history, mistrust, lack of hope for the future and instability now characterized Romanian-German relations.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 279-292
No. of Pages: 14
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The year 1928 brought not only the celebration of 10 years since the Great Union, but also recorded a greater frequency of revisionist actions related to the system adopted after the Treaty of Versailles. Since the Bolshevik instigation in Bessarabia and the intense Hungarian activity in Transylvania and throughout Europe amplified, the Romanian state used the external propaganda in order to convince the decisional political circles of the justness of its arguments in order to maintain the borders as it was decided after the First World War. One of the propaganda tools used by Bucharest was to make good use of history and historians in order to defend the national interests of Romania. Thus, the historian Alexandru Boldur began a partnership with the Press and Information Directorate that helped him to publish books and brochures that supported the Romanian point of view regarding Bessarabia, therefore combating the Soviet standpoint. In addition, Boldur proposed a very bold international investigation in which teachers, lawyers, economists and politicians from several countries were questioned about the Bessarabian issue. This project, outlined very well in its initial form, encountered money matters and, thus, its efficiency was very low. Nevertheless, this case indicates the dilettantism of the Romanian authorities regarding the external propaganda and proved the preeminence of internal political tensions concerning the major national interests of Romania.
Open access on CEEOL: NO



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 293-294
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The least that can be said about this volume is that it is thoroughly documented and comprehensive. In fact, in my opinion, this is the most valuable and time enduring synthesis of WWII German history and an outstanding literary achievement recalling in many of its pages the biting prose of Curzio Malaparte.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): History
Page Range: 295-296
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The book contains a number of 384 letters of which, as the author confesses, the titles from the beginning and the end of the epistles are missing, titles which would have given more value to the book. One can find in this book letters to the members of the Hohenzollern family members, especially to his father, Karl Anton (until 1885 when the latter died), to his sister Mary of Flanders (until her death in 1912), to his brothers Friedrich (passed away in 1904) and Leopold (dead in 1905), and also to the Queen Elisabeth.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 297-298
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: The book contains a number of 384 letters of which, as the author confesses, the titles from the beginning and the end of the epistles are missing, titles which would have given more value to the book. One can find in this book letters to the members of the Hohenzollern family members, especially to his father, Karl Anton (until 1885 when the latter died), to his sister Mary of Flanders (until her death in 1912), to his brothers Friedrich (passed away in 1904) and Leopold (dead in 1905), and also to the Queen Elisabeth.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): Cultural Essay, Political Essay, Societal Essay
Page Range: 299-300
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , , , ,
Summary/Abstract: Researcher, professor, diplomat, editor, „Jean Monnet” Chair, Ion Calafeteanu has proven throughout his career the erudition, rigor, equilibrium, nuanced approach and acuteness specific to the research fields in which he has performed: the history of international relations and Romania’s foreign policy. His lectures of Universal and Romanian Contemporary History, Romania in the International Relations during the 20th Century and The Totalitarian Regimes have represented for those who have followed them real laboratories of training in those areas. The width of horizons opened to his students, the depth and up-to-dateness of interpretations, the scientific authority, the professionalism and the empathy he conveys to his audience are responsible for the amphitheatres being always full during his lectures. Distinguished, full of intellectual verve, enjoying the pleasure of dialogue, exchange of views and fine irony, the professor transmits complex human qualities which win many of his students, prompting them to ask him coordinate their undergraduate work, master’s thesis or doctorate dissertations.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail


Language: English
Subject(s): Review
Page Range: 301-302
No. of Pages: 2
Keywords: , ,
Summary/Abstract: Having been set up on November 27, 2008, the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies has established as one of its fundamental goals the promotion of research activities in the field of Baltic and Nordic studies. In this regard, the establishing of a scientific publication to further our knowledge of Baltic and Nordic societies and to spread information about the Romanian society to Baltic and Northern Europe was essential. The magazine was also regarded as a springboard for the mutual acknowledgment of the bonds and relations between Romanians and the Baltic and Nordic peoples throughout their history and in contemporary times. The journal is a multidisciplinary periodical hosting articles in fields such as history, history of international relations, international relations, literature and philology, economics and business, and various other sciences which are intertwined with the aims of Association.
Open access on CEEOL: YES



Share this article
Facebooktwitterlinkedinmail